112c. Norman K. Denzin, Yvonna S. Lincoln, Linda Tuhiwai Smith, eds., Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies, continued

denzin lincoln

The second part of the Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies focuses on critical and Indigenous pedagogies. Even though I’m not interested in pedagogy as part of this project, I persevered. “In the five chapters in Part II, indigenous scholars describe Hawaiian, Native American, Mestizaje, endarkened, and Islamic pedagogies,” which “exist in-between, border, marginal, and liminal spaces, the crossroads where colonializing and decolonializing frameworks intersect and come into conflict with one another” (211). “Each pedagogy represents a particular indigenous worldview,” the editors continue, and “[e]ach rests on special cultural and spiritual understandings” (211). 

In “Indigenous and Authentic: Hawaiian Epistemology and the Triangulation of Meaning,” Manulani Aluli Meyer introduces readers “to indigenous epistemology as viewed by Native Hawaiian mentors, friends, and family” so that we “will understand that specificity leader to universality” (217). Universality, Meyer continues, “is a spiritual principle within ancient streams of knowing” (217). Knowing, or epistemology, is “specific to place and people,” Meyer writes, and both knowledge and truth are “vast, limitless, and completely subjective” (218). The essay presents seven categories, she continues, which “help to organize systems of consciousness that are needed to enliven what knowing means in today’s rampage called modernity” (218).

The first of these categories is “Spirituality and Knowing: The Cultural Context of Knowledge” (218). “Knowledge that endures is spirit driven,” Meyer writes. “It is a life force connected to all other life forces. It is more an extension than it is a thing to accumulate” (218). The spiritual principles that are “the foundation of a Hawaiian essence” are “the intentionality of process, the value and purpose of meaning, and the practice of deep mindfulness” (218). “[I]f played out as epistemology,” these principles “help us enter spaces of wonderment, discernment, right viewing, and mature discourse” (218). “Spirit as knowing is a real idea that allows us to ritualize ways to collect medicine, read a text, prepare a meal, or communicate with family, Meyer continues. “It allows knowing to be an act of consciousness that reaches beyond the mundane into connection and alignment with an essence that finds its renewal throughout the generations” (218-19). This “higher reach of knowing” collapsed during colonialism and assimilation, and “[i]t must right itself through our engagement to secure our survival” (219). For Meyer, the interpretation of knowledge as spirit does not affect one’s research. Rather, “[i]t merely points to a frequency that if heard will synergize with your courage when you write without fear after asking questions that search for deeper meaning to an act, an idea, a moment” (219). “An epistemology of spirit” encourages us to be of “service to others or to our natural environment” (219). Meyer ends by calling upon her readers to see their work “as a taonga (sacred object) for your family, your community, your people—because it is” (219).

The second category, “That Which Feeds: Physical Place and Knowing,” is about the land. “Land is our mother. This is not a metaphor,” Meyer states (219). “For the Native Hawaiians speaking of knowledge, land was the central theme that drew forth all others. You came from a place. You grew in a place and you had a relationship with that place,” she continues. “This is an epistemological idea” (219). Because of mobility in contemporary North American society, many people find this idea difficult to understand, she writes, but the land and the ocean shape her thinking, her way of being, and her sense of what is valuable (219). “One does not simply learn about land, we learn best from land,” she contends. “This knowing makes you intelligent to my people. How you are on land or in the ocean tells us something about you. Absolutely. It opens doors to the specificity of what it means to exist in a space and how that existing extends into how best to interact in it” (219). However, land is more than a physical location: “It is an idea that engages knowledge and contextualizes knowing. It is the key that turns the doors inward to reflect on how space shapes us” (219). Space is not about emptiness but rather about “consciousness” (219). Space is “an epistemological idea because it conceptualizes those things of value to embed them in a context” (219). “Land as an epistemological cornerstone to our ways of rethinking is all about relating in ways that are sustaining, nourishing, receptive, wise,” Meyer writes. “Knowing with land should help you find out more about your own self, and when that process begins as a researcher, you start to open your own phenomenological inquiry into your origins of space,” about “how space influenced your thinking” (219). 

In the third category, “The Cultural Nature of the Senses: Expanding Our Ideas of Empiricism,” Meyer writes, “I am empirically configured by my past, and my senses and body were the tools and recording devices through which I retrieved and stored all data” (220). This leads to a very different claim: “Our senses are culturally shaped. This is an epistemological idea” (220). Her example is a cornfield. She does not see the same cornfield as a farmer who looks and recognizes that the corn “is in need of calcium and water” while she notices “nothing” (220). “This fundamental idea that our senses are culturally shaped seems almost obvious, but it must be understood deeply if you are to proceed into what many may not understand,” she continues. “What this entails for your research is that you will need to slow down what it means to see something, hear something, or experience something” (220). Understanding one’s uniqueness “at this basic level will bring a keen understanding of the nuance” of one’s own subjectivity (220).

The fourth category is “Relationship and Knowledge: Self Through Other” (220). “Existing in relationship triggers everything: with people, with ideas, with the natural world,” Meyer writes (221). This “epistemological category” suggests that “[k]nowing was the by-product of slow and deliberate dialogue with an idea, with others’ knowing, or with one’s own experience with the world. Knowing was in relationship with knowledge, a nested idea that deepened information (knowledge) through direct experience (knowing)” (221). “The focus is with connection and our capacity to be changed with the exchange,” she continues. “Thus the idea of self through other” (221). This idea inspires research because “[i]t reminds us that knowledge does not exist in a vacuum” (221). Rather, “[i]ntelligence is challenged, extended, and enriched when viewed in dyad awareness or group consciousness” (221). (Is knowledge the same as intelligence?) “Will your research bring forth solutions that strengthen relationships with others or will it damage future collaborations?” she asks. “How will your relationship with self inspire truth and courage to do what will be needed when predictable roadblocks enter your view? A knowledge that includes true awareness of other will radically alter research protocols, questions, and processes” (221).

“Utility and Knowledge: Ideas of Wealth and Usefulness” is the fifth category. “Function is the higher vibration of an idea, not the lower,” Meyer begins. “How one defines function is first discovered in its meaning and then its interpretation” (221). (I’m not following the notion of a hierarchy of vibrations.) “Make your work useful by your meaning and truth,” she continues. “I know it sounds ethereal, but this is the point: Knowledge that does not heal, bring together, challenge, surprise, encourage, or expand our awareness is not part of the consciousness this world needs now. This is the function we as indigenous people posit” (221). She includes by positing that “We are all indigenous” (222). (I would never describe myself that way.)

The sixth category, “Words and Knowledge: Causality in Language,” is “an epistemological category better reflected in Hawaiian literature and historic textual discussions than the mentors [she] interviewed” (222). “Hawaiians at one time believed in the causative agency of intention,” Meyer explains. “Thought creates. This is why it was seen as negative to even think of hitting a child. Negative thoughts then had negative consequences” (222). The belief that “effect begins with intention” is “an epistemological idea that helps us mature into a deeper relationship with what action and reality is at its core: thought” (222). “The idea that thought creates and intention shapes the observable world may seem far-fetched to some, but it is now recognized and discussed in depth by indigenous scholars, quantum physicists, mothers, and social scientists and summarized in groundbreaking works,” she argues, citing several texts, including one by Vine Deloria and one called The Yoga Sutra of Patanjali (222). “Our thoughts create reality,” she continues (222). She suggests that, for Hawai’i, “postcolonialism” (does she mean decolonization?) “is not first a physical place but a mental one” (222). She suggests that this effects one’s research because, rather than objectivity, “it is fully conscious subjectivity” called “metaconsciousness,” and calls upon her readers to write their thoughts in prologues or appendices to their research (222).

The last category is “The Body/Mind Question: The Illusion of Separation,” which Meyer describes as “the capstone of Hawaiian epistemology and its sharpest sword in this duel with mainstream expectations of what it means to know something” (223). “The separation of mind from body is not found in a Hawaiian worldview,” she explains. “Indeed, intelligence and knowledge were embedded at the core of our bodies—the stomach or na’au” (223). “Body is the central space in which knowing is embedded,” she continues. “Our body holds truth, our body invigorates knowing, our body helps us become who we are. This is not simply a metaphoric discussion of union with sensation and conceptualization. Our thinking mind is not separated from our feeling mind. Our mind is our body. Our body is our mind. And both connect to the spiritual act of knowledge acquisition” (223). This idea is “an integral space in the triangulation of meaning” (223). “Knowing there is intelligence in feeling and feeling in intelligence begins the long turnaround from an isolated thinking self void of the potential messiness of subjective realities found in all versions of the world,” Meyer writes. “It brings us back into ancient sensibilities that recognize the strength found in conscious subjectivity and clearly stated origins of thought found in empirical, objective recognition” (223). The reference to “ancient sensibilities” sounds New Agey, and it would be helpful to see sources cited here. “[S]ubjectivity is actually a maturing of objectivity,” she concludes, “not a dumbing down” (223). I’m not sure what that means.

What are the implications of these categories for research? “It has become clear to me that the specificity of these Hawaiian epistemological categories is indeed endemic to islands in the middle of the Pacific,” Meyer states. “But they also offer a way to organize universal truths” that the reader “may wish to consider,” including the notions that “[f]inding knowledge that endures is a spiritual act that animates and educates,” that “[w]e are earth,” that “[o]ur senses are culturally shaped,” that “[k]nowing something is bound to how we develop a relationship with it,” that “[f]unction is vital with regard to knowing something,” that “[i]ntention shapes our language and creates our reality,” and that “[k]nowing is embodied and in union with cognition” (223-24). In other words, those categories, for Meyer, represent both culturally specific aspects of Hawaiian epistemology and universal truths. “I arrived at this view-plain through the specificity of knowing my ancient self—spaces we all can recognize because we all have them,” Meyer explains. “True intelligence is self knowledge” (224). 

The next section of the essay, “The Triangulation of Meaning: Body, Mind, and Spirit,” is, according to Meyer, its “authentic part” (224):

It is a set of ideas that may bring you back to remembering. It extends indigenous epistemology into a context of world awakening. It is daringly simple, but then again, words only point to the truth. Genuine knowledge must be experienced directly. It is meant to help your organize your research mind and give you the courage to do so with the rigor found in facts, logic, and metaphor. It is offered now because it organized my own thoughts and oiled the tools needed to dismantle the master’s house found in perfect order in my own mind. (224)

The idea of triangulation comes from wilderness education: “if you wish to find your place on a topographical map, you need only locate two geographical distinctions on land, and with the use of a compass and pencil, the third and final spot—your location—can then be found” (224). “[T]he metaphor of triangulating our way to meaning with the use of three points” involves “[b]ody, mind, and spirit” (224). “Using body, mind, and spirit as a template in which to organize meaningful research asks us to extend through our objective/empirical knowing (body) into wider spaces of reflection offered through conscious subjectivity (mind) and, finally, via recognition and engagement with deeper realities (spirit),” Meyer states (224). Why is objective knowing associated with the body, though, and subjective knowing associated with the mind? “Body is a synonym for external, objective, literal, sensual, empirical,” she continues, contending that “your schooled mind has been shaped by mostly [that] one point in the triangulation” (225). “Change agents, indigenous researchers, cultural leaders, and transformational scholars are now working together to help this idea grow up,” she concludes. “So, take a breath. Keep your mind open” (225). 

In the next section, “The Number Three,” Meyer suggests that Buckminster Fuller’s tetrahedron is “the sacred geometry of infinity, energy, and the perfect balance of equilibrium found in postquantum physics” (225). Dualities and binary systems have “caused untold horror and helped create a rigid epistemology we now assume cannot evolve” (225). “[A]s we gather evidence from all sectors of world scholars, mystics, and practitioners, we are discovering that life moves within a context of dynamic consciousness that synergizes with Aristotle’s highest intellectual virtual he referred to as phronesis,” she continues. “This is not simply a discussion of moral relativity or the third point in duality; it is a piercing into different planes of epistemology to discuss what inevitably shifts into nonduality because of its inherent wholeness” (225). The vague reference to “scholars, mystics, and practitioners” (practitioners of what?) suggests the New Age source of this argument. 

The next section, “Reaching for Wholeness,” begins with the statement, “The world is more than dual. It is whole” (225). “With regard to research, we still believe statistics is synonymous with truth,” Meyer states. “It is a dangerous road to travel when we pack only empirical ways of being into our research backpack” (225). But this book collects essays by people who do qualitative research, not quantitative research—is number crunching the only empiricism? Really? “Empiricism is just one point in our triangulation of meaning, and although it may begin the process of research, it by no means is the final way in which to engage, experience, or summarize it,” Meyer continues. “Research and life are more in line with three simple categories that have been lost in theory and rhetoric: body, mind, and spirit” (225-26). Body, she suggests, represents “the part of your research that may be counted, sorted, and emphasized because of statistical analysis. It is what you see, not the way in which you interpret what you see or hear” (226). Body “is what science has cornered. It is expressed through sensation via objective measurement and evaluation. It is a valuable and rigorous part in the triangulation of meaning and the center of most research processes” (226).“It has been the bread and butter of research and science and the main assumption found in the notion of rigor,” she continues. “It is objective, tangible, and measurable” (226). But it is not enough: “don’t you think it’s time to evolve?” (226).

“To believe that science or objective and empirical-based research could describe all of life reduces it to its smallest part,” Meyer argues (226). I’m not convinced anyone does believe that, however. I am sensing a straw-man argument here—or else the author has had her qualitative research rejected by quantitative journals. “Objectivity is its own limitation,” she writes. “Enter mind, subjectivity, thought. Courage is needed to articulate these ideas with a robustness that will signal a leap in consciousness within our society” (227). It is obvious, she continues, that “[o]ur rational minds, our inside thoughts, our subjective knowing are vital to how we experience and understand the world” (227). She presents quotations from her “heroes,” who include Leroy Little Bear and Greg Cajete, supporting the claim that subjectivity precedes objectivity (228). “Mind, as the second point in our triangulation of meaning, helps us recover from the bullying and uniformity of ‘power-over’ epistemology,” she concludes. “It gives us breathing space to self-reflect in meaningful ways and engage with a rigor perhaps not captured in academic citations” (228). 

“Follow mindfulness to its own intelligence and seek inevitably what most scholars refuse to admit exists: spirit,” Meyer writes. Spirit, she states, is “the third point in a spiral” (229) (the metaphor has suddenly changed). Spirit is neither religion nor dogma. Rather, “it is data moving toward usefulness, moving toward meaning and beauty. It is the contemplation part of your work that brings you to insight, steadiness, and interconnection. It is the joy or truthful insights of your lessons and the rigor found in your discipline and focus that is not so much written about but expressed nonetheless” (229). Spirit is “about seeing what is significant and having the courage to discuss it. . . . This category that pulls facts into logic and finally into metaphor recognizes that one will eventually see more than what is presented” (229). “To know we are more than simply body and thought is to acknowledge how those ideas expand into wider realms of knowing and being,” she continues. “This is a spirit-centred truth that is older than time” (229). Spirit “will help you think of your research as something of value and keep you at the edge of your wonder with how it will shape who you are becoming” (229). Spirit encompasses both body and mind: “It is an advancement of earlier ideas and gives a structure of rigor that positivism is ultimately shaped by” (229). “It is the frequency by which all connect. It is not simply a linear sequence. All three categories occur simultaneously” (229). 

In the essay’s final section, “Ha’ina mai ka puana: Thus Ends My Story,” Meyer writes, “I believe it is time to think indigenous and act authentic even at the price of rejection. To disagree with mainstream expectations is to wake up, to understand what is happening, to be of service to a larger whole” (230). “This is why we are heading into the field of hermeneutics—interpretation—via epistemology,” she contends. “We must first detail what we value about intelligence to even see there are other interpretations of life, brilliance, and knowing” (230). (I’m not sure exactly who is heading into hermeneutics through epistemology.) “When ancient renditions of the world are offered for debate within a context of real-life knowing, there is a robustness that I find invigorating and breathtaking,” she continues. “Here is where interpretations matter and because indigenous folk are peopling places we were never found before, do you see why things are changing? We simply posit difference—a difference that knows place and encourages a harmony within that place” (230). Indigenous people, she writes, bring with them “dreams, food, elders, courage and the clarity of speech and purpose” (230).

I’ve read Sandy Grande’s “Red Pedagogy: The Un-Methodology” before—I even have a file of notes on this computer that I took while I was reading it—but that was years ago, and I might as well give it another look. She begins by referring to Linda Tuhiwai Smith’s Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples, a book that she suggests charts a path “for those still navigating the deeply troubled waters of academic research” (233). “The historically turbulent relationship stems from centuries of use and abuse at the hands of Whitestream prospectors (read: academics), mining the dark bodies of indigenous peoples—either out of self-interest or self-hatred,” she writes (233). “Whitestream” is a term borrowed from Claude Denis, who suggests that while American society is not “White” in demographic terms, “it remains principally and fundamentally structured on the basis of the Anglo-European ‘White’ experience” (251). The same could be said of Canadian society, of course. “The history of dehumanization”—dehumanization through the employment of research by colonialism, I think—“raises significant questions for the indigenous scholar”: a choice between “retaining his or her integrity (identity) as a Native person or doing research” (234). There is a need for an academic exorcism, and “the demon to be purged is the specter of colonialism” (234). “As indigenous scholars, we live within, against, and outside of its constant company, witnessing its various manifestations as it shape-shifts its way into everything from research and public policy to textbooks and classrooms,” she writes, asking whether “[i]t is possible to engage the grammar of empire without replicating its effects?” (234). “By virtue of living in the Whitestream world, indigenous scholars have no choice but to negotiate the forces of colonialism, to learn, understand, and converse in the grammar of empire as well as develop the skills to contest it,” she states (234).

Red pedagogy is “an indigenous pedagogy that operates at the crossroads of Western theory—specifically critical pedagogy—and indigenous knowledge,” bridging two epistemological worlds and asking that as Indigenous scholars “examine our own communities, policies, and practices, that we take seriously the notion that knowing ourselves as revolutionary agents is more than an act of understanding who we are. It is an act of reinventing ourselves, of validating our overlapping cultural identifications and relating them to the materiality of social life and power relations” (234). To allow for this process of reinvention, she continues, Red pedagogy needs to be thought of as “a space of engagement. It is the liminal and intellectual borderlands where indigenous and nonindigenous scholars encounter one another, working to remember, redefine, and reverse the devastation of the original colonialist ‘encounter’” (234). That’s a powerful statement about pedagogical scholarship, and I find myself wondering whether it could be applied to other fields of endeavour, such as art practices, as well. 

“What follows is a framework for thinking about indigenous knowledge as it encounters critical pedagogy or Red pedagogy,” Grande writes. But first, she outlines the historical roots of Red pedagogy—the colonial and genocidal policies and attitudes through which the U.S. government attempted to destroy Indigenous cultures. “While it is important to recognize the progress that has been made since colonial times, it is also evident that the legacy of colonization persists,” Grande states (235). One way to address the socioeconomic effects of that legacy is “culturally based education,” which would involve recognizing and using Indigenous languages, employing pedagogy that stresses traditional cultural characteristics and relationships between adults and children, teaching strategies that are “congruent with traditional culture and ways of knowing and learning,” curriculum that recognizes the importance of Indigenous spirituality, community participation in education, and using “the social and political mores of the community” (235-36). However, Grande maintains, “unless educational reform also happens concurrently with an analysis of colonialism, it is bound to suffocate from the tentacles of imperialism” (236). In addition, since 90 per cent of Indigenous students attend off-reservation schools, “indigenous educators need to theorize the ways in which power and domination inform the processes and procedures of schooling and develop pedagogies that disrupt their effects” (236). “[A]n education for decolonization must . . . make no claim to political neutrality,” and “it must engage a method of analysis and social inquiry that troubles the capitalist, imperialist aims of unfettered competition, accumulation, and exploitation”—forms of analysis that “have been the domain of critical theorists” (236). 

However, despite its apparent relevance, Indigenous scholars “have had limited engagement with critical theories of education” and have “concentrated on the social and political urgencies of their own communities” (236). “Against such immediate needs, engagement in abstract theory seems indulgent . . . Eurocentric and thereby inherently contrary to the aims of indigenous education,” Grande writes (236). However, “the lack of engagement with critical theory has ultimately limited possibilities for indigenous scholars to build broad-based coalitions and political solidarities,” and that limitation “has serious implications” (236). “[T]he time is ripe for indigenous scholars to engage in critique-al studies” through Red pedagogy, which “aims to initiate an indigenous conversation that can, in turn, engage in dialogical contestation with critical and revolutionary theories” (236-37). The purpose of this essay is “to initiate this conversation, examining points of tension and intersection between Red pedagogy and critical theory: articulating possibilities for coalition” (237).

Grande describes the intellectual roots of critical pedagogy in the work of Paulo Freire and John Dewey, and in the later developments of poststructuralist, Marxist, postcolonial, feminist, and critical race theory. Critical pedagogy, according to Grande, is rooted in a Marxist social and economic analysis. It must be collective, critical, systematic, participatory, and creative, she continues, citing McLaren and Farahmandpur (237). These principles, she continues, “are clearly relevant to Native students and educators in dire need of pedagogies of disruption, intervention, collectivity, hope, and possibility” (238). “The foregrounding of capitalist relations as the axis of exploitation helps reveal the history of indigenous peoples as one of dispossession and not simply oppression,” she continues (238), although I’m not sure Marxist analysis is necessary for that. Nevertheless, “revolutionary critical pedagogy remains rooted in the Western paradigm and therefore in tension with indigenous knowledge and praxis”; in particular, “the root constructs of democratization, subjectivity, and property are all defined through Western frames of reference that presume the individual as the primary subject of ‘rights’ and social status” (238). Those “basic failures” of critical pedagogy raise “three central questions”:

  1. Do critical/revolutionary pedagogies articulate constructions of subjectivity that can theorize the multiple and intersecting layers of indigenous identity as well as root them in the historical material realities of indigenous life?
  2. Do critical/revolutionary pedagogies articulate a geopolitical landscape any more receptive to the notion of indigenous sovereignty than other critical pedagogies rooted in liberal conceptions of democracy?
  3. Do critical/revolutionary pedagogies articulate a view of land and natural resources that is less anthropocentric than other Western discourses? (238)

These “perceived aporias” are not deficiencies but rather “points of tension” that help “to define the spaces-in-between the Western and indigenous thought-worlds” (238). “[T]he basis of Red pedagogy remains distinctive, rooted in traditional indigenous knowledge and praxis,” she continues (238). Addressing these questions, each in turn, may “map a common ground of struggle with revolutionary critical pedagogy” that may “serve as the foundation for eventual solidarities” (238).

In her discussion of the first question, Grande begins with postmodernism’s “framing of questions of identity and difference exclusively in terms of the cultural and discursive” without reference to “structural causes and material relations that create ‘difference’” (238). “[S]uch postmodern tactics serve to obfuscate, if not deny, the hierarchies of power,” and so she turns to “the postcolonial notion of mestizaje as a more effective model of multisubjectivity,” which both “signifies the decline of the imperial West” and “decenters Whiteness and undermines the myth of a democratic nation-state based on borders and exclusions” (239). However, an emphasis on hybridity or mestizaje can lead to “losing sight of the unique challenges of particular groups and their distinctive struggles for social justice” (239). In addition, this “transgressive subjectivity . . . both furthers and impedes indigenous imperatives of self-determination and sovereignty,” because “it remains problematic for indigenous formations of subjectivity and the expressed need to forge and maintain integral connections to both land and place” (239). “[T]he radical mestizaje retains the same core assumption of other Western pedagogies,” which is that “in a democratic society, the articulation of human subjectivity is rooted in the intangible notion of rights as opposed to the tangible reality of land” (239). 

“To be clear, indigenous and critical scholars share some common ground,” Grande admits: “they envision an anti-imperialist theory of subjectivity, one free of the compulsions of global capitalism and the racism, classism, sexism, and xenophobia it engenders” (240). (Is capitalism necessarily the driving force behind those things?) “But where revolutionary scholars ground their vision in Western conceptions of democracy and justice that presume a ‘liberated’ self, indigenous scholars ground their vision in conceptions of sovereignty that presume a profound connection to place and land,” she states, noting that “the seemingly liberatory constructs of fluidity, mobility, and transgression are perceived not only as the language of critical subjectivity but also as part of the fundamental lexicon of Western imperialism” (240). Since Indigenous identities are “defined and shaped in interdependence with place, the transgressive mestizaje functions as a potentially homogenizing force that presumes the continued exile of tribal peoples” and their assimilation” (240). For Grande, “any liberatory project that does not begin with a clear understanding of the difference of indigenous sovereignty will, in the end, work to undermine tribal life” (241).

This analysis, Grande writes, “points to the need for an indigenous theory of subjectivity that addresses the political quest for sovereignty and the socioeconomic urgency to build transnational coalitions” (241). It is essential, she continues, the Indigenous peoples “work to maintain their distinctiveness as tribal peoples of sovereign nations” while moving “toward building inter- and intra-tribal solidarity and political coalition”—in other words, both borders and ways to cross those borders (241). “Such a Red pedagogy”—and, really, Grande is talking about more than just pedagogy—“would transform the struggle over identity to evolve, not apart from, but in relationship with, struggles over tribal land, resources, treaty rights, and intellectual property” (241). A Red pedagogy would also set out “to construct a self-determined space for American Indian intellectualism, recognizing that survival depends on the ability not only to navigate the terrain of Western knowledge but also to theorize and negotiate a racist, sexist marketplace that aims to exploit the labour of signified ‘others’ for capital gain” (241). Finally, Grande continues, a Red pedagogy would be “committed to providing American Indian students the social and intellectual space to reimagine what it means to be Indian in contemporary U.S. society, arming them with a critical analysis of the intersecting systems of domination and the tools to navigate them” (241).

Grande cites Alexander Ewen’s term “Indianismo,” a response to concepts of mestizaje or indigenismo (252), as a proposed construct that would “guide the search for a theory of subjectivity in a direction that embraces the location of Native peoples in the ‘constitutive outside’” (241). “Specifically, it claims a distinctively indigenous space shaped by and through a matrix of legacy, power, and ceremony. In so doing, the notion of Indianismo stands outside the polarizing debates of essentialism and postmodernism, recognizing that both the timeless and temporal are essential for theorizing the complexity of indigenous realities,” she writes. (241). “[T]he Red notion of Indianismo remains grounded in the intellectual histories of indigenous peoples,” she continues. “The centrality of place in the indigenous thought-world is explicitly conveyed through tradition and language and implicitly through the relationship between human beings and the rest of nature” (241). “What distinguishes the indigenous struggle for self-determination from others,” Grande writes,

is their collective effort to protect the rights of their peoples to live in accordance with traditional ways. It is the struggle to effectively negotiate the line between fetishizing such identities and recognizing their importance to the continuance of Indians as tribal peoples. Regardless of how any individual indigenous person chooses to live his or her life, he or she is responsible for protecting the right to live according to ancestral ways. As such, while indigenous peoples resist the kind of essentialism that recognizes only one way of being, they also work to retain a vast constellation of distinct traditions that serve as the defining characteristics of tribal life. (241)

Indigenous languages “must play a crucial role in maintaining the fabric of Indianismo,” because they “are replete with metaphors of existence that implicitly convey notions of multiplicity, hybridity, dialectics, contingency, and a sense of the ‘imaginary’” (241). (I’m not sure what she means by “‘imaginary.’” Why is it in scare quotes?) 

In her response to the second question, about Indigenous sovereignty and democracy, Grande contends that Red pedagogy “operates on the assumption that indigenous sovereignty does not oppose democracy,” but rather “views sovereignty as democracy’s only lifeline, asking, Is it possible for democracy to grow from the seeds of tyranny? Can the ‘good life’ be built upon the deaths of thousands?” (242). For Grande, the “playing field” of this discussion is the American educational system, where “liberal educators have championed the notion of cultural pluralism as the pathway to democracy, imbricating the constructs of national unity, multicultural harmony, and inclusion as the guiding principles of American education” (242). Such “progressive education still functioned as an assimilationast pedagogy designed to absorb cultural difference by ‘including’ marginalized groups in the universality of the nation-state, advocating a kind of multicultural nationalism” (242). However, “[c]ontemporary revolutionary scholars critique liberal forms of critical pedagogy, naming their ‘politics of inclusion’ as an accomplice to the broader project of neoliberalism” because “such models ignore the historic, economic, and material conditions of ‘difference,’ conspicuously averting attention from issues of power” (242). Instead, “revolutionary scholars call attention to the ‘democratically induced’ oppression experienced by colonized peoples,” and in that way, “they reconstitute democracy as a perpetually unfinished process, explicitly recentering democratic education around issues of power, dominance, subordination, and stratification” (242). However, those “revolutionary theorists” are still working “within a Western, linear political framework,” and therefore “they do not, in and of themselves, represent an emancipatory politics for indigenous people” (243). It’s not clear that those theorists “give any greater consideration to the pedagogical imperatives of indigenous sovereignty,” and there lies “the central tension between revolutionary visions of socialist democratic education and the indigenous project of education for sovereignty and self-determination” (243). “One of the most significant ways this difference plays out is the quest for indigenous sovereignty tied to issues of land, Western constructions of democracy are tied to issues of property,” Grande writes. “[G]iven the inexorable ties between land and sovereignty, sovereignty and citizenship, and citizenship and the nation-state, one of the most glaring questions for indigenous scholars is how a revolutionary socialist politics can imagine a ‘new’ social order unfolding upon (still) occupied land” (243). Her question, then, is “How does the ‘egalitarian distribution’ of colonized lands constitute greater justice for indigenous peoples?” (243). “The failure to problematize the issue of (colonized) land is perhaps the major deficiency of Marxist and other Western-centric politics,” she writes (243), a comment that recalls Craig Fortier’s argument in Unsettling the Commons: Social Movements Within, Against, and Beyond Settler Colonialism.

In addition, critical and Red pedagogy disagree about how to reconfigure democracy: “contrary to the assertions of revolutionary theorists, capitalist (exploitative) modes of production are not predicated on the exploitation of free (slave) labor but rather, first and foremost, premised on the colonization of indigenous land” (244). Privileging the class struggle “underestimates the overarching nature of decolonization: a totality that places capitalism, patriarchy, White supremacy, and Western Christianity in radical contingency” (244). “This tension alone necessitates an indigenous reinvisioning of the precepts of revolutionary theory, bringing them into alignment with the realities of indigenous struggle,” Grande writes. “The task ahead is to detach and rethink the notion of sovereignty from its connection to Western understandings of power and base it on indigenous notions of relationship” (244). 

Language must be central to decolonization, Grande continues: “Thus, where a revolutionary critical pedagogy compels students and educators to question how ‘knowledge is related historically, culturally and institutionally to the processes of production and consumption,’ a Red pedagogy compels students to question how knowledge is related to the processes of colonization,” and how “traditional indigenous knowledges can inform the project of decolonization” (244). According to Grande, this notion implies a threefold process for education:

(a) the subjection of the processes of Whitestream schooling to critical pedagogical analyses; (b) the decoupling and dethinking of education from its Western, colonialist contexts, including revolutionary critical pedagogy; and (c) the conceptualization of indigenous efforts to reground students and educators in traditional knowledge and teachings. (244)

“[T]he project of decolonization not only demands students to acquire the knowledge of ‘the oppressor’ but also the skills to negotiate and dismantle the implications of such knowledge,” Grande continues, suggesting that “traditional perspectives on power, justice, and relationships are essential, both to defend against further co-optation and to build intellectual solidarity—a collectivity of indigenous knowledge” (244).

Sovereignty, according to Grande, is “a restorative process” rather than “a separatist discourse” (244). It is “a profoundly spiritual project involving questions about who we are as a people” (245). It will require Indigenous people “to engage in the difficult process of self-definition, to come to consensus on a set of criteria that defines what behaviors and beliefs constitute acceptable expressions of their tribal heritage” (245). It will be “a process of reenchantment, of ensoulment, that is both deeply spiritual and sincerely mindful. The guiding force in this process must be the tribe, the people, the community; the perseverance of these entities and their connection to indigenous lands and sacred places is what inherits ‘spirituality’ and, in turn, the ‘sovereignty’ of Native peoples” (245). “[T]he vision of tribal and community stability rests in the desire and ability of indigenous peoples to listen to not only each other but also the land,” Grande writes. “The question remains, though, whether the ability to exercise spiritual sovereignty will continue to be fettered if not usurped by the desires of a capitalist state intent on devouring land” (245).

Finally, Grande arrives at her third question, about whether critical or revolutionary pedagogies articulate a view of land that is less anthropocentric than other Western discourses (245). She structures her answer through a discussion of the work of Bowers, who states that the “‘core cultural assumptions’ of revolutionary critical pedagogy” render it “indistinguishable from other Western pedagogies” (245). Its emphasis on critical reflection, a way of thinking derived from the Enlightenment, “undermines the ‘mythopoetic narratives’ that serve as ‘the basis of a culture’s moral system, way of thinking about relationships, and its silences’” (qtd. 245). Its emphasis on change and transformation “has led critical theorists to ignore what needs to be conserved and the value of ‘intergenerational knowledge’ (aka tradition)” (246). It is “‘based on an anthropocentric view of human/nature relationships,” and “presumes a ‘Western approach to literacy’ that ‘reinforces patterns of social relationships not found in oral-based cultures’” (Bowers, qtd. 246). Not that Grande agrees with Bowers. She suggests that critical pedagogy emphasizes “meaning,” rather than critical reflection (246), and that while the “root metaphor of ‘change as progress’ presents specific challenges to indigenous cultures rooted in tradition and intergenerational knowledge, revolutionary theorists do not categorically advocate change as inherently progressive” (246-47). In addition, while “the process of interrogation itself may encode the same sociotemporal markers of a colonialist consciousness that incites movement away from ‘sacred’ ways of knowing toward increased secularization,” that does not “preclude such processes of interrogation from being an integral part of Red pedagogy, particularly as indigenous communities remain threatened and deeply threatened and deeply compromised by colonialist forces,” meaning that Indigenous communities may need “social transformation” as part of a resistance to colonization (247-48). She does suggest that the claim that revolutionary critical pedagogy is anthropocentric is accurate (248). Expressions of “profound anthropocentrism” are both “unnecessary to the imperatives of the critical project” and “weaken its validity,” because they suggest that “[t]he value of the Earth itself is . . . only derived in terms of its ability to serve a distinctly human resource, carrying no inherent worth or subjectivity” (248). And, regarding literacy, “indigenous cultures engaged in institutional forms of schooling are just as concerned with students’ literacy as other cultures” (248-49). For Grande, “the value of revolutionary pedagogies is that the concept of ‘literacy’ is reformed to take on meaning beyond a simple depoliticized notion of reading and writing” (249). Grande concludes that revolutionary pedagogies could provide “the analytical robustness and ideological inclination needed to sort through the underlying power manipulations of colonialist forces,” even though they “are born of a Western tradition that has many components in conflict with indigenous knowledge, including a view of time and progress that is linear and an anthropocentric view that puts humans at the centre of the universe” (249). “Nevertheless,” she continues, “if revolutionary critical pedagogy is able to sustain the same kind of penetrating analysis it unleashes on capitalism, it may evolve into an invaluable tool for indigenous people and their allies, fighting to protect and extend indigenous sovereignty over tribal land and resources” (249). 

Grande ends her essay with “seven precepts” that provide “a way of thinking our way around and through the challenges facing American education in the 21st century and our mutual need to define decolonizing pedagogies”:

  1. Red pedagogy is primarily a pedagogical project. In this context, pedagogy is understood as being inherently political, cultural, spiritual, and intellectual.
  2. Red pedagogy is fundamentally rooted in indigenous knowledge and praxis. It is particularly interested in knowledge that furthers understanding and analysis of the forces of colonization.
  3. Red pedagogy is informed by critical theories of education. A Red pedagogy searches for ways it can both deepen and be deepened by engagement with critical and revolutionary theories and praxis.
  4. Red pedagogy promotes an education for decolonization. Within Red pedagogy, the root metaphors of decolonization are articulated as equity, emancipation, sovereignty, and balance. In this sense, an education for decolonization makes no claim to political neutrality but rather engages a method of analysis and social inquiry that troubles the capitalist-imperialist aims of unfettered competition, accumulation, and exploitation.
  5. Red pedagogy is a project that interrogates both democracy and indigenous sovereignty. . . .
  6. Red pedagogy actively cultivates praxis of collective agency. That is, Red pedagogy aims to build transcultural and transnational solidarities among indigenous peoples and others committed to reimagining a sovereign space free of imperialist, colonialist, and capitalist exploitation.
  7. Red pedagogy is grounded in hope. . . . a hope that lives in contingency with the past—one that trusts the beliefs and understandings of our ancestors, the power of traditional knowledge, and the possibilities of new understandings. (250)

“Red pedagogy,” Grande concludes, “is about engaging the development of ‘community-based power’ in the interest of ‘a responsible political, economic, and spiritual society’” (250). It is about Gerald Vizenor’s notion of survivance, which he describes as “an active repudiation of dominance, tragedy and victimry” (qtd. 250). For Grande, survivance “speaks to our collective need to decolonize, to push back against empire, and to reclaim what it means to be a people of sovereign mind and body” (250)

I understand Grande’s intentions in attempting to bring Indigenous thinking and critical theory together, but I find myself wondering whether critical theorists actually have more to learn from Indigenous ways of knowing than Indigenous thinkers do from critical theory. I was hoping for a more densely textured exposition of Indigenous epistemology and ontology here (assuming those are the correct terms to use; Vanessa Watts would disagree), and because Grande’s focus was more on critical theory, I realized that I would have to turn elsewhere, perhaps to Neil McLeod’s book on Cree narrative memory, to find that exposition. I’ve read McLeod’s book before, but probably need to read it again.

I skipped the last three essays in this section, because my project isn’t related to critical pedagogy. The two essays I did read, though, suggest that while it is difficult to bring Indigenous and non-Indigenous methodologies together, it is possible, and the results can be powerful. It needs to be done very carefully, though, probably by asking questions about non-Indigenous methodologies from an Indigenous perspective, rather than the other way around. That’s one good reason to read the work of Indigenous scholars carefully. I’m looking forward to getting through this book, finally, because the other books on my table—works by Indigenous researchers—are works that will, I think, accomplish that kind of scrutiny.

Works Cited

Denzin, Norman K., Yvonna S. Lincoln, and Linda Tuhiwai Smith, eds. Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies, Sage, 2008.

Fortier, Craig. Unsettling the Commons: Social Movements Within, Against, and Beyond Settler Colonialism, ARP Books, 2017.

McLeod, Neil. Cree Narrative Memory: From Treaties to Contemporary Times, Purich, 2007.

Watts, Vanessa. “Indigenous Place-Thought & Agency Amongst Humans and Non-Humans (First Woman and Sky Woman Go On a European World Tour!).” Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society, vol. 2, no. 1, 2013, pp. 20-34.

93. Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang, “Decolonization Is Not A Metaphor”

tuck yang

My walking is finished, and even though I ought to be exploring the sights here in Cluj-Napoca, Romania, I’m in the hotel room, working. These texts won’t read themselves, after all, and I’m not going to hit my goal of 100 texts by the end of August. I’ve just been having too much fun walking!

“Decolonization Is Not A Metaphor” is one of the key texts in the study of settler colonialism, and for that reason it’s important that I read it. It begins with two epigraphs from Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth on decolonization, which in Fanon’s case meant the departure of the imperial power (France, since Fanon wrote The Wretched of the Earth in Algeria during that country’s struggle for independence) from a colony and the creation of an independent national government. (The Wretched of the Earth is the next thing I’ll be reading for this project, mostly because one of my supervisors suggested that it would be valuable.) The first epigraph suggests that decolonization is “a program of complete disorder” (qtd. 2), which reflects (I think) the authors’ argument that the goal of decolonization is open-ended and undetermined, and that it is a historical process, which cannot be understood unless we “discern the movements which give it historical form and content” (qtd. 2). The second epigraph, which suggests that “the settler knows perfectly well that no phraseology can be a substitute for reality” (qtd. 2), reflects the authors’ contention that the word “decolonization” needs to be understood literally rather than rhetorically.

Tuck and Yang begin by noting that their area of research is education, and in particular the ways that “settler colonialism has shaped schooling and educational research in the United States and other settler colonial nation-states” (2). That work requires an engagement with the meaning of decoloniation, “what it wants and requires” (2). Tuck and Yang object to “the ease with which the language of decolonization has been superficially adopted into education and other social sciences, supplanting prior ways of talking about social justice, critical methodologies, or approaches which decenter settler perspectives” (2). Decolonization must not be subsumed by those projects, they argue, noting that decolonization is often discussed without mentioning Indigenous peoples or their struggles for sovereignty or “the contributions of Indigenous intellectuals and activists to theories and frameworks of decolonization” (3). “[T]his kind of inclusion is a form of enclosure, dangerous in how it domesticates decolonization,” they write. “It is also a foreclosure, limiting in how it recapitulates dominant theories of social change” (3). The rhetorical use of the word “decolonization” is therefore “another form of settler appropriation” (3). 

This essay, published in the first issue of a journal called Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education, & Society, is an attempt “to clarify that decolonization is not a metaphor”: “When metaphor invades decolonization, it recenters whiteness, it resettles theory, it extends innocence to the settler, it entertains a settler future” (3). “Our goal in this essay is to remind readers what is unsettling about decolonization—what is unsettling and should be unsettling,” they suggest (3). The notions of unsettling (of theory, of politics, of identity), of decentring whiteness, of denying both innocence to settlers and a future to the settler identity, are central points in this essay. So is the notion of difficulty: anything that seems to be too easy is, according to Tuck and Yang, a wrong approach to or misunderstanding of decolonization.

“There is a long and bumbled history of non-Indigenous peoples making moves to alleviate the impacts of colonialization,” Tuck and Yang write. “The too-easy adoption of decolonizing discourse (making decolonization a metaphor) is just one part of that history and it taps into pre-existing tropes that get in the way of more meaningful potential alliances” (3). Those tropes are “moves to innocence” for settlers; they “problematically attempt to reconcile settler guilt and complicity, and rescue settler futurity” (3). A discussion of those moves to innocence is at the core of this essay. Those moves to innocence include:

  1. Settler nativism
  2. Fantasizing adoption
  3. Colonial equivocation
  4. Conscientization
  5. At risk-ing/Asterisk-ing Indigenous peoples
  6. Re-occupation and urban homesteading[.] (4)

“Such moves ultimately represent fantasies of easier paths to reconciliation,” they write:

attending to what is irreconcilable within settler colonial relations and what is incommensurable between decolonizing projects and other social justice projects will help to reduce the frustration of attempts at solidarity; but the attention won’t get anyone off the hook from the hard, unsettling work of decolonization. (4)

For that reason, they continue, they have also included “a discussion of interruptions that unsettle innocence and recognize incommensurability” (4).

First, though Tuck and Yang distinguish between external colonialism (colonial activities outside the borders of the imperial nation) and internal colonialism (colonial activities within the borders of the imperial nation). However, neither of these definitions adequately describe the form of colonialism in countries where the colonizers have come to stay. “Settler colonialism operates through internal/external colonial modes simultaneously because there is no spatial separation between metropole and colony,” they write. “The horizons of the settler colonial nation-state are total and require a mode of total appropriation of Indigenous life and land, rather than the selective expropriation of profit-producing fragments” (5). What makes settler colonialism different from other forms of colonialism is the fact that “settlers come with the intention of making a new home on the land, a homemaking that insists on settler sovereignty over all things in their new domain” (5). That homemaking means that the most important concern of settler colonialism is land, “both because the settlers make Indigenous land their new home and source of capital, and also because the disruption of Indigenous relationships represents a profound epistemic, ontological, cosmological violence” (5). They cite Patrick Wolfe’s famous dictum: settler colonialism is a structure rather than an event (5). That structure remakes land into property and restricts human relationships to land to property ownership. “Epistemological, ontological, and cosmological relationships to land are interred, indeed made pre-modern and backward,” they write. “Made savage” (5). 

“In order for the settlers to make a place their home, they must destroy and disappear the Indigenous peoples that live there,” Tuck and Yang write:

For the settlers, Indigenous peoples are in the way and, in the destruction of Indigenous peoples, Indigenous communities, and over time and through law and policy, Indigenous peoples’ claims to land under settler regimes, land is recast as property and as a resource. Indigenous peoples must be erased, must be made into ghosts. (6)

They also suggest that “settler colonialism involves the subjugation and forced labor of chattel slaves,” a claim that is not true of all settler colonial states; while slavery was legal in what is now Canada until the early 19th century, for example, it was not a central part of the economy there as it was in Spanish colonies in Central and South America, as well as in the United States. Perhaps that distinction doesn’t matter. It’s true that the settler “sees himself as holding dominion over the earth and its flora and fauna, as the anthropocentric normal, and as more developed, more human, more deserving than other groups or species” (6). (That way of thinking is the root of the planet’s current ecological crises.) “The settler is making a new ‘home’ and that home is rooted in a homesteading worldview where the wild land and wild people were made for his benefit,” Tuck and Yang continue. “He can only make his identity as a settler by making the land produce, and produce excessively, because ‘civilization’ is defined as production in excess of the ‘natural’ world (i.e. in excess of the sustainable production already present in the Indigenous world)” (6). For Tuck and Yang, that excess production requires slavery, although in the part of Canada where I live it actually required mechanized agriculture. Moreover, “[s]ettlers are not immigrants,” Tuck and Yang contend. “Immigrants are beholden to the Indigenous laws and epistemologies of the lands they migrate to. Settlers become the law, supplanting Indigenous laws and epistemologies” (6-7). That is, I think, Harold Johnson’s point in his book Two Families: Treaties and Government: when the Cree chiefs who negotiated Treaty 6 engaged the Crown representatives in a pipe ceremony, they were adopting them (and the settlers who would follow) and expecting they would behave like the immigrants Tuck and Yang describe here, rather than like settlers.

Decolonization in settler colonial situations is complicated, Tuck and Yang contend, “because empire, settlement, and internal colony have no spatial separation. Each of these features of settler colonialism in the US context—empire, settlement, and internal colony—make it a site of contradictory decolonial desires” (7). Thinking of decolonization in metaphorical ways “allows people to equivocate these contradictory desires because it turns decolonization into an empty signifier to be filled by any track towards liberation. In reality, the tracks walk all over land/people in settler contexts” (7). For Tuck and Yang, 

decolonization in the settler colonial context must involve the repatriation of land simultaneous to the recognition of how land and relations to land have always already been differently understood and enacted; that is, all of the land, and not just symbolically. This is precisely why decolonization is necessarily unsettling, especially across lines of solidarity. (7)

“Settler colonialism and its decolonization implicates and unsettles everyone,” they conclude (7).  I agree that repatriation of land is central to decolonization, and that idea certainly unsettles me, because although I was born on stolen land, it’s also the only home I’ve ever known, and I have nowhere else to go. The notion that “all of the land” must be repatriated is a political impossibility for that reason. Yes, that’s what must be done for decolonization to take place in a settler colonial context; but it is also what will not happen, because the settler majority will not stand for it. That contradiction implicates all of us and ought to unsettle us as well.

“Everything within a settler colonial society strains to destroy or assimilate the Native in order to disappear them from the land,” Tuck and Yang argue. That is the reason Settler society can have “multiple simultaneous and conflicting messages about Indigenous peoples, such as all Indians are dead, located in faraway reservations, that contemporary Indigenous people are less indigenous than prior generations, and that all Americans are a ‘little bit Indian’” (9). These fantasies constitute desires to erase Indigenous peoples, “because the death of pre-modern ways of life is thought to be inevitable,” and that erasure would provide a resolution to the colonial situation “through the absolute and total destruction or assimilation of original inhabitants” (9). The failure of that destruction “prompts multiple forms of settler anxiety,” because the presence of Indigenous peoples, “who make a priori claims to land and ways of being,” is “a constant reminder that the settler colonial project is incomplete” (9). The metaphorical use of the term “decolonization” is “a form of this anxiety, because it is a premature attempt at reconciliation”; it is “one way the settler, disturbed by her own settler status, tries to escape or contain the unbearable searchlight of complicity, of having harmed others just by being one’s self” (9). “The desire to reconcile is just as relentless as the desire to disappear the Native,” they continue: “it is a desire to not to have to deal with this (Indian) problem anymore” (9).

Tuck and Yang take the idea of settler moves to innocence from the work of Janet Mawhinney. These moves to innocence are the result of a desire “to find some mercy or relief in the face of the relentless of settler guilt and haunting” (9). “Directly and indirectly benefitting from the erasure and assimilation of Indigenous peoples is a difficult reality for settlers to accept,” they contend, and so Settlers “hurry toward any reprieve” (9). “Settler moves to innocence are those strategies that attempt to relieve the settler of feelings of guilt or responsibility without giving up land or power or privilege, without having to change much at all,” they continue. “In fact, settler scholars may gain professional kudos or a boost in their reputations for being so sensitive or self-aware. Yet settler moves to innocence are hollow, they only serve the settler” (10). Their discussion of these moves to innocence may make their Settler readers embarrassed or uncomfortable or feel implicated, and it seems that’s the point. Their goal in this discussion “is to provide a framework of excuses, distractions, and diversions from decolonization” (10). That framework is intended to make us “more impatient with each other, less likely to accept gestures and half-steps, and more willing to press for acts which unsettle innocence” (10).

Tuck and Yang then discuss the moves to innocence they listed earlier in the essay. The first move is claiming to have an Indigenous ancestor. This “is a settler move to innocence because it is an attempt to deflect a settler identity, while continuing to enjoy settler privilege and occupying stolen land” (11). “Settler nativism, through the claiming of a long-lost ancestory, invests in these specific racializations of Indigenous people and Black people, and disbelieves the sovereign authority of Indigenous nations to determine tribal membership,” Tuck and Yang argue. “Ancestry is different from tribal membership; Indigenous identity and tribal membership are questions that Indigenous communities alone have the right to struggle over and define, not DNA tests, heritage websites, and certainly not the settler state” (13). “Settler nativism is about imagining an Indian past and a settler future,” they continue, while “tribal sovereignty has provided for an Indigenous present and various Indigenous intellectuals theorize decolonization as Native futures without a settler state” (13).

The second move to innocence is settler adoption fantasies. “These fantasies can mean the adoption of Indigenous practices and knowledge, but more, refer to those narratives in the settler colonial imagination in which the Native (understanding that he is becoming extinct) hands over his land, his claim to the land, his very Indian-ness to the settler for safe-keeping,” Tuck and Yang write. “This is a fantasy that is invested in a settler futurity and dependent on the foreclosure of an Indigenous futurity” (14). They discuss James Fenimore Cooper’s Leatherstocking Tales as an example. “In the unwritten decolonial version of Cooper’s story, Hawkeye would lose his land back to the Mohawk,” they write. “Hawkeye would shoot his last arrow, or his last long-rifle shot, return his eagle feather, and would be renamed Natty Bumppo, settler on Native land. The story would end at the moment of this recognition” (17). That ending, though, would leave a number of questions open: “Would a conversation follow after that between Native and the last settler? Would the settler leave or just vanish? Would he ask to stay, and if he did, who would say yes? These are questions that will be addressed at decolonization, and not a priori in order to appease anxieties for a settler future” (17). Is it likely, though, that settlers would “just vanish”? Where would they—we—go? Isn’t that a rather tidy resolution to a pretty big problem for decolonization?

It seems to me that Tuck and Yang are merging two separate ideas here. Isn’t the adoption of Indigenous practices and knowledge different from the narratives in which land and identity are given to Settlers “for safe-keeping”? Is reading Indigenous writers, not a way of adopting, or at least learning about, Indigenous knowledge? Isn’t it necessary to acquire that kind of knowledge in order to understand settler colonialism and its effects? Moreover, I’ve heard some Elders describe some ceremonies as open to anyone. For instance, I recently had a conversation with an Elder in which she was surprised to hear that I was reluctant to smudge on my own, even though I find it helpful and grounding. “Why not?” she asked. “I don’t want to appropriate customs that aren’t mine,” I answered. She didn’t think that was a good reason. Clearly not everyone is focused on issues of appropriation or adoption.

The third move to innocence is colonial equivocation, by which Tuck and Yang mean “the homogenizing of various experiences of oppression as colonization” (17). They want to separate those experiences of oppression from colonization. The “logical endpoint” of antiracism, they suggest, “the attainment of equal legal and cultural entitlements, is actually an investment in settler colonialism,” presumably because it accepts the authority of Settler society. “Indeed, even the ability to be a minority citizen in the settler nation means an option to become a brown settler,” they continue. “For many people of color, becoming a subordinate settler is an option even when becoming white is not” (18). They also distinguish between anti-colonial critique and “a decolonizing framework”: 

anti-colonial critique often celebrates empowered postcolonial subjects who seize denied privileges from the metropole. This anti-to-post-colonial project doesn’t strive to undo colonialism but rather to remake it and subvert it. Seeking stolen resources is entangled with settler colonialism because those resources were nature/Native first, then enlisted into the service of settlement and thus almost impossible to reclaim without re-occupying Native land. Furthermore, the postcolonial pursuit of resources is fundamentally an anthropocentric model, as land, water, air, animals, and plants are never able to become postcolonial; they remain objects to be exploited by the empowered postcolonial subject. (19)

I’m not sure I follow the shift from anti-colonial critique to resource exploitation here, particularly since the rest of the argument in this section of the essay focuses on the inadequacy of multicultural approaches to oppressions, which do not address Indigenous sovereignty or rights. Perhaps the shift to resource exploitation comes from the need for decolonization to include “unsettling/deoccupying the land” (19). Any arguments short of that recognition, they argue, are equivocations: “That is, they ambiguously avoid engaging with settler colonialism; they are ambivalent about minority/people of color/colonized Others as settlers; they are cryptic about Indigenous land rights in spaces inhabited by people of color” (19). 

Conscientization, a focus on “decolonizing the mind,” is the fourth move to innocence. Tuck and Yang note that Fanon argues that decolonizing the mind was a first step, not the only or final one. “Yet we wonder whether another settler move to innocence is to focus on decolonizing the mind, or the cultivation of critical consciousness, as if it were the sole activity of decolonization; to allow conscientization to stand in for the more uncomfortable task of relinquishing stolen land,” they write (19). “[T]he front-loading of critical consciousness building can waylay decolonization, even though the experience of teaching and learning to be critical of settler colonialism can be so powerful that it can feel like it is indeed making change,” they continue (19). Decolonization will only happen when “stolen land is relinquished” (19). And yet, isn’t the development of that “critical consciousness” necessary to relinquishing that stolen land? Wouldn’t developing a collective understanding that the land has been stolen and needs to be returned be an essential step in the decolonizing process? Besides, how would that stolen land be relinquished? What would happen afterwards? I realize that Tuck and Yang argue that there is no Settler futurity—that we ought to have no future on the stolen lands we occupy—but that is an extraordinary thing to ask people to accept, especially if they have not yet developed a “critical consciousness” regarding settler colonialism. 

Tuck and Yang describe that project of developing critical consciousness as settler harm reduction” (21). This project, they write, “is intended only as a stopgap”:

As the environmental crisis escalates and peoples around the globe are exposed to greater concentrations of violence and poverty, the need for settler harm reduction is acute, profoundly so. At the same time we remember that, by definition, settler harm reduction, like conscientization, is not the same as decolonization and does not inherently offer any pathways that lead to decolonization. (21-22)

All of this would be easier to understand, or perhaps accept, if Tuck and Yang were able to offer concrete examples of pathways that would lead to decolonization, defined as the return of stolen land. How do we get there from here?

The fifth move to innocence, “A(s)t(e)risk peoples,” has to do with the ways that Indigenous people are rendered invisible by social science research, either by being defined as “at risk” peoples, “on the verge of extinction, culturally and economically bereft, engaged or soon-to-be engaged in self-destructive behaviors which can interrupt their school careers and seamless absorption into the economy” (22), or by being left out or “represented by an asterisk” in statistical data sets because of small sample sizes (22). I’m not sure how to respond to this argument. On the one hand, it’s important that Indigenous peoples not be defined only by the social problems caused by colonization, but on the other, it would be foolish to pretend that such problems do not exist. Those self-destructive behaviours don’t just interrupt the “seamless absorption into the economy” of Indigenous youth, for instance; they can end their lives. Yes, becoming part of the economy may not be the resolution Tuck and Yang would like to see for those youth, but it’s better than some of the alternatives, and I don’t think it’s the role of privileged academics to tell people struggling to survive what their goals ought to be. The other problem appears to be without a solution: sample sizes need to be large to be statistically valid, and where a population is small—their example is urban Indigenous youth in schools—it is likely to be submerged in the data. Perhaps the answer would be to engage in more qualitative research than quantitative research, but that’s not where Tuck and Yang end up. Rather, they argue that because most Indigenous youth live in cities, “[a]ny decolonizing urban education endeavor must address the foundations of urban land pedagogy and Indigenous politics vis-a-vis the settler colonial state” (23). That may be true, but it doesn’t address the problem of large-scale population surveys which make “collecting basic education and health information about this small and heterogenous group” so difficult, or how those difficulties can be overcome in order to “counter the disappearance of Indigenous particularities in public policy” (22).

The last move to innocence, “Re-occupation and urban homesteading,” has to do with the failure of the Occupy movement to acknowledge that its occupations took place on stolen land, or that the source of the wealth that Occupy demanded be redistributed was that stolen Indigenous land (23). “For social justice movements, like Occupy, to truly aspire to decolonization non-metaphorically, they would impoverish, not enrich, the 99%+ settler population of [the] United States,” they write. “Decolonization eliminates settler property rights and settler sovereignty. It requires the abolition of land as property and upholds the sovereignty of Native land and people” (26). Again, that would be an extremely difficult proposition to sell to that settler majority. Tuck and Yang compare the Occupy/Decolonize movements to the French and Haitian Revolutions of the late 18th century. They note that Haiti was the richest French colony before its revolution, and the poorest afterwards, due to the French demand for reparations as a condition of recognizing Haitian independence. This comparison is a way of introducing the notion of incommensurability: the Occupy and Decolonize movements are incommensurable, because while Occupy sees the United States as composed of 99% Occupiers (I doubt Occupy ever claimed that 99% of the population was participating in the movement) and 1% Owners, the Decolonize movement sees the primary distinction as between the 0.9% Indigenous peoples and the 99.1% Settlers (27). “Occupation is a move towards innocence that hides behind the numerical superiority of the settler nation, the elision of democracy with justice, and the logic that what became property under the 1% belongs to the other 99%,” they write (28). They also connect Occupy’s demand to “occupy everything” to what they call “urban homesteading,” which I think is another way of thinking about the gentrification of poor neighbourhoods. Surely there is a radical distinction to be made between the Occupy movement and gentrification? Perhaps not. “In contrast to the settler labor of occupying the commons, homesteading, and possession, some scholars have begun to consider the labor of de-occupation in the undercommons, permanent fugitivity, and dispossession as possibilities for a radical black praxis,” they write, citing Fred Moten and Stephano Harney (28). I’ve tried to read Moten’s and Harney’s book The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study, but I ran aground on the impossibility of their ideas, and frankly their unappealing nature. Who would want the instability of “permanent fugitivity” or of “dispossession”? Perhaps I need to return to Moten’s and Harney’s work and try harder to understand it. I found this section of the essay to be quite weak, with the excursion into the history of Haiti an unnecessary detour, and I think that Craig Fortier’s book Unsettling the Commons: Social Movements Within, Against, and Beyond Settler Colonialism to be a much clearer discussion of the contradictions between the Occupy movement and decolonization.

The last section of the essay, “Incommensurability is unsettling,” presents 

a synopsis of the imbrication of settler colonialism with transnationalist, abolitionist, and critical pedagogy movements—efforts that are often thought of as exempt from Indigenous decolonizing analyses—as a synthesis of how decolonization as material, not metaphor, unsettles the innocence of these movements. These are interruptions which destabilize, un-balance, and repatriate the very terms and assumptions of some of the most radical efforts to reimagine human power relations. We argue that the opportunities for solidarity lie in what is incommensurable rather than what is common across these efforts. (28)

They describe what they call “an ethic of incommensurability, which recognizes what is distinct, what is sovereign for project(s) of decolonization in relation to human and civil rights based social justice projects” (28). There are, they continue, “portions of these project that simply cannot be speak to one another, cannot be aligned or allied” (28). Those portions are incommensurable. They suggest “unsettling themes that challenge the coalescence of social justice endeavors broadly assembled in three areas: Transnational or Third World decolonizations, Abolition, and Critical Space-Place Pedagogies” (28-29). For each area, they provide “a bibliography of incommensurability” (29).

First is the discussion of Third World decolonizations. “The anti-colonial turn towards the transnational can sometimes involve ignoring the settler colonial context where one resides and how that inhabitation is implicated in settler colonialism, in order to establish ‘global’ solidarities that presumably suffer fewer complexities and complications” (29). They invite their readers “to consider the permanent settler war as the theatre for all imperial wars,” and provide a bibliography of texts that address a number of issues, such as “discovery, invasion, occupation and Commons as the claims of settler sovereignty,” “heteropatriarchy as the imposition of settler sexuality,” and “U.S. imperialism as the expansion of settler colonialism” (29).

Second is a discussion of the abolition of slavery. They note that freed slaves in the United States were promised 40 acres of land that belonged to Indigenous peoples as reparations. “[W]e urge you to consider how enslavement is a twofold procedure: removal from land and the creation of property (land and bodies),” they write. “Thus, abolition is likewise twofold, requiring the repatriation of land and the abolition of property (land and bodies). Abolition means self-possession but not object-possession, repatriation but not reparation” (30). I find the word “repatriation” rather ominous here; what of the formerly enslaved Africans in the United States who did not choose to be repatriated? What would happen to them? And why is this discussion of the abolition of slavery, something that happened in 1865, being considered a contemporary issue? I am missing something in this argument.

Third is critical pedagogies, something that engages Tuck and Yang, since they are professors of education. They suggest that place-based, environmentalist, and urban pedagogies are incommensurable with land education, and suggest several resources. So far, though, they have not explained how “opportunities for solidarity lie in what is incommensurable” (28). Perhaps that is the reason they provide a lengthy, italicized explanation of incommensurability. It is, they write, “an acknowledgement that decolonization will require a change in the order of the world” (31):

This is not to say that Indigenous peoples or Black and brown peoples take positions of dominance over white settlers; the goal is not for everyone to merely swap spots on the settler-colonial triad, to take another turn on the merry-go-round. The goal is to break the relentless structuring of the triad—a break and not a compromise. (31)

“There is,” they continue, “so much that in incommensurable, so many overlaps that can’t be figured, that cannot be resolved” (31). From this point the essay becomes a list of those apparently impossible to resolve issues: “Settler colonialism fuels imperialism all around the globe. Oil is the motor and motive for war and so was salt, so will be water. Settler sovereignty over these very pieces of earth, air, and water is what makes possible these imperialisms” (31). What is the connection between settler colonialism and oil? Isn’t settler colonialism a feature of places (I’m thinking of New Zealand) that don’t have oil reserves? Why bring salt into the discussion? Do Settlers have sovereignty over the air? Yes, the uranium mined near the Laguna Pueblo reservation in New Mexico was used to build bombs, and yes, the radioactive debris has poisoned the land, but how is that incommensurable? With what? How are the borders of the U.S. examples of incommensurability? How is the high rate of incarceration in Louisiana an example of incommensurability? There’s no question that prison farms and private prisons are contemporary forms of slavery, but how are they incommensurable? I don’t understand the connections Tuck and Yang are expecting their readers to make; nor do I understand how issues that are impossible to resolve can become the grounds of solidarity. That idea seems to have been dropped entirely.

Finally, Tuck and Yang provide a short conclusion that begins with this statement: “An ethic of incommensurability, which guides moves that unsettle innocence, stands in contrast to aims of reconciliation, which motivate settler moves to innocence” (35). Reconciliation, they continue, “is concerned with rescuing settler normalcy,” and with “rescuing a settler future” (35). Reconciliation asks questions like “what will decolonization look like? What will happen after abolition? What will be the consequences of decolonization for the settler?” (35). “Incommensurability,” Tuck and Yang write, “acknowledges that these questions need not, and perhaps cannot, be answered in order for decolonization to exist as a framework” (35). But won’t decolonization require an engagement with Settlers, given their sheer numbers (which Tuck and Yang have discussed)? How could such an engagement take place without answering those questions, or at least acknowledging that they are legitimate? My questions, however, are the wrong ones to ask, and my suggestion that Settlers need to be engaged is off-topic: “decolonization is not accountable to settlers, or settler futurity,” Tuck and Yang write. “Decolonization is accountable to Indigenous sovereignty and futurity” (35). Moreover, they argue, the answers to the questions Settlers might ask “are not fully in view and can’t be as long as decolonization remains punctuated my metaphor” (35). I’m not sure that argument makes sense; one can imagine giving back stolen land without resorting to metaphor, and the questions Settlers would ask about their future would still exist. The authors’ next point makes more sense: “The answers will not emerge from friendly understanding, and indeed require a dangerous understanding of uncommonality that un-coalesces coalition politics—moves that may feel very unfriendly” (35). The point, I think, is that uncommonality is built into this issue; that decolonization will be a struggle between Indigenous peoples and Settlers, not a coalition that includes both parties. The unfriendliness they acknowledge is simply part of the structure, and the struggle, of decolonization. 

“To fully enact an ethic of incommensurability means relinquishing settler futurity, abandoning the hope that settlers may one day be commensurable to Native peoples,” Tuck and Yang write:

It means removing the asterisks, periods, commas, apostrophes, the whereas’s, buts and conditional clauses that punctuate decolonization and underwrite settler innocence. The Native futures, the lives to be lived once the settler nation is gone—these are the unwritten possibilities made possible by an ethic of incommensurability. (36)

“Decolonization is not an ‘and,’” they write, not something that can be made a part of other human or civil rights approaches to justice. “It is an elsewhere” (36). 

After reading and summarizing “Decolonization Is Not A Metaphor,” I have mixed feelings. I see the need to give back the stolen land that I—we—live on. I see the moves to innocence that Settlers use to protect themselves from the knowledge that despite their enlightened qualities and their apparent lack of innocence they are actually part of the colonial problem. But I am confused by what Tuck and Yang mean by “an ethic of incommensurability” (36), or how incommensurability can be the grounds of solidarity. It’s just not clear to me. I’m not sure how one can deny anyone anyone’s future, either, although denying settler futurity is not uncommon in texts about settler colonialism, perhaps because this essay has been so influential. (I think denying Indigenous futurity is a crime.) Certainly that’s not a way to get many Settlers onside with the decolonizing project, although perhaps the way this essay begins and ends with Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth is a clue to what Tuck and Yang mean by decolonization—that, like the anti-colonial revolution in Algeria, it will be a violent struggle in which alliances between Settlers and Indigenous peoples will become null and void. That interpretation, though, runs aground on their apparent insistence that alliances between decolonization and other social-justice movements is possible, apparently through incommensurability. And while I understand their reluctance to offer any pathways towards decolonization—probably because they don’t actually know how it might play out, or how one might begin to set the process of returning land in motion—isn’t it a serious weakness to suggest that conscientization (consciousness raising might be a better word) or gestures towards decolonization are insufficient, without providing any positive alternatives? I don’t think the work of Moten and Harney is likely to lead to workable alternatives; like Tuck and Yang, their thinking is too utopian and not grounded in the unpleasant reality of politics in settler colonial states to be of practical use. I suppose what I ought to do is take what is useful from the essay and leave the rest behind, although some of what I would have to leave behind is frankly baffling. I must be misunderstanding something central to their argument, but I honestly don’t know what it might be. So I’m left confused and frustrated—probably not for the last time, either. Some of the stuff I’m reading is confusing and frustrating. I need to get used to it.

Works Cited

Fortier, Craig. Unsettling the Commons: Social Movements Within, Against, and Beyond Settler Colonialism. ARP Books, 2017

Harney, Stefano, and Fred Moten. The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study, Minor Compositions, 2013.

Tuck, Eve, and K. Wayne Yang. “Decolonization Is Not A Metaphor.” Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society, vol. 1, no. 1, 2012, pp. 1-40.

12. Craig Fortier, Unsettling the Commons: Social Movements Within, Against, and Beyond Settler Colonialism

fortier unsettling the commons

When I read Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe on hegemony, I was wondering how a hegemonic formation that respected First Nations sovereignty might be created in Canada. But according to Craig Fortier, an assistant professor of social development studies at Renison University College in Waterloo and the author of Unsettling the Commons: Social Movements Within, Against, and Beyond Settler Colonialism, that’s the wrong question to ask. Contemporary anti-authoritarian movements, Fortier argues—a category that includes a variety of movements against economic, gendered, and racial oppression, including queer liberation, migrant justice, anti-gentrification, prison abolition, anti-imperialism, gender liberation, environmentalism, and disability justice—are inherently non-hegemonic rather than counter-hegemonic, because although they seek radical change, they do not intend to take or influence state power (78). In fact, those anti-authoritarian movements are, by their very nature, both anti-capitalist and anti-state: their goal is the dismantling of state structures, rather than their remaking. Instead, those movements seek to establish a new commons. However, for Fortier that new commons needs to be a decolonized one: “there must be a commitment to dismantling the state, heteropatriarchy, capitalism and imperialism by also divesting from the logics of settler colonialism,” he writes, and the new societies that will result from this dismantling will of necessity be “forged through relationship building and support for Indigenous reclamations of space” (50-51).

Through interviews with anti-authoritarian activists in Canada and the U.S., Fortier seeks to answer a series of questions in this book: 

what is the commons? How should commoning be practiced? What does it mean to build social movements to [re]claim the commons on stolen land? And what does a politics and practice of decolonization look like for non-Indigenous peoples seeking to resist the state while also trying to support Indigenous people in their struggle for self-determination? (15). 

In fact, it is that last question that occupies Fortier’s thinking: “a politics of unsettling and decolonizing are not only different from other forms of liberatory struggles in settler colonial states but are foundational to their success,” he argues (17). Nevertheless, “there are significant roadblocks ahead as we are faced with questions about how to struggle for liberation on stolen land,” he continues. “This is why it’s important to examine the contradictions that come up when seeking to (re)claim the commons in a settler colonial context” (17). I’m an artist, not an anti-authoritarian activist, and my goal is not a (re)claiming of the commons, but I am interested in the contradictions involved in working against colonialism while living on stolen land, and so I was interested in what Fortier has to say about that challenge.

Fortier starts his study with the Occupy movement and various occupations that were part of the “global opposition to neoliberal austerity policies that followed the 2008 financial crisis” (20). Those occupations were “incubators for experimentation in developing alternative forms of social relations outside of the logics of capitalism and have been described as engaging in the practice of reclaiming or re-negotiating the commons”—that is, reclaiming a space outside of state control, opened by those who live on it and shared according to rules they create (20). But, like all social movements, Fortier writes, “those struggling for the commons are also full of contradictions” (21). The main contradiction is that of creating a commons on stolen land—the struggle, Fortier argues, “to imagine liberation in a way that addresses really important questions about relationships to Indigenous peoples, the territories on which the movements took place, and a reckoning of the histories that structure the context in which we struggle today” (23). Attempts to (re)claim a commons on stolen land that do not address those questions, according to Fortier, risk perpetuating settler invasion and Indigenous dispossession (23). Because Occupy Wall Street did not push for liberation outside the context of settlement, for instance, it remained “implicated in the dispossession and erasure of Indigenous peoples from their own territories” (25). “The problem with the idea of the commons in settler states,” Fortier continues, “is that it evades the question of ongoing settler complicity in the project of genocide, land theft, assimilation, and occupation” (30). Settlers—even or especially those in anti-authoritarian movements—need to come to terms with their complicity in this ongoing history. As Clare Bayard, one of the activists Fortier interviews, points out, “The difficulty that a lot of non-Native people have in imagining what unsettling would look like in this country is that it’s not seen as a political possibility. . . . We can’t even imagine what that would look like—how do we do that?” (32). For Fortier, this question “speaks to the normalization of settler colonial logics even within liberatory visions of other worlds. . . . settler colonial logics are so deeply ingrained in our lives, including those of us within the anti-authoritarian current, that it seems impossible to imagine what decolonization would look like” (32). As a result, those anti-authoritarian political projects can end up being antagonistic to Indigenous attempts to assert sovereignty, and “non-Indigenous activists may sidestep their own complicity in the creation and perpetuation of settler colonial space” (37). Artists might find themselves sidestepping their own complicity in the perpetuation of that space as well.

Any resistance to things as they are—resistance against gentrification, “racist immigration and border policies,” heteropatriarchy, or environmental destruction—always takes place on top of both settler colonialism and Indigenous resistance to dispossession, Fortier contends (48-49):

This double-bind of being made by but also trying to surpass colonized subjectivity means that any struggle within the settler colonial context will always be tied by the logics of settler colonialism unless activists work to build decolonial relationships with Indigenous peoples and amongst each other that relinquish claims to settler futurity. (49)

Fortier doesn’t define “settler futurity,” unfortunately, although he does gesture to articles by Eve Tuck and Ruben Gaztambide-Fernández, and K. Gardner and Gibwanisi, on this point. (Please, people: remember your audience. If you are using a term that others may find unfamiliar, one that cannot be found in a decent dictionary, provide a definition.) “By working to create deep, long-term, and accountable relationships with Indigenous struggles for decolonization and self-determination,” Fortier writes, “non-Indigenous people can open up the possibility of sharing in a decolonial future” (50). However, creating those relationships is difficult and full of potential pitfalls. One might admire the political, spiritual, and social practices of Indigenous peoples, for instance, but that admiration can easily slide into appropriative and harmful behaviours (52). Any borrowing from Indigenous peoples needs to be respectful and take place through a process of relationship building and dialogue (54-55). “What is often missing from movements seeking to reclaim the commons—in whatever form they might take—is the presence of relationships that centre Indigenous practices, traditions, and protocols without seeking to incorporate them into a broader naturalized settler politics,” Fortier writes (57). Settlers must be willing to learn from Indigenous people with humility and accountability (63), to become co-conspirators rather than allies (64), and to accept the leadership of Indigenous communities (93). This process means becoming vulnerable (88), realizing that everything you know has to be questioned (88-89), and accepting the partiality of one’s knowledge (90). “While this uncertainty is unsettling,” Fortier writes, “that’s precisely the point: unsettling should be unsettling. The process of unsettling our movements is not simply an individual transcendence of racial prejudices and feelings of entitlement, guilt, or shame.” Rather, “it is a collective transformation of the knowledges and worldviews that shapes societies, and individual’s interactions, and the way these territories are inhabited” (89).

In practical terms, relationships between anti-authoritarian activists and Indigenous communities can be created by working together. As an example, Fortier cites demonstrations against tar sands pipelines, demonstrations that were created through relationships between non-Indigenous activists and Indigenous land-based struggles, using a diverse range of tactics and strategies that included “lobbying, community research and education, rallies and protests, fundraising, legal interventions, direct actions and blockades, traffic disruptions” (66). But some of Fortier’s demands are more abstract. For instance, he argues that 

non-Indigenous activists have a responsibility to move beyond acknowledging their settler complicity toward incorporating and integrating decolonizing relationships into all of our strategies, tactics and campaigns (even those that on the surface do not seem to relate to Indigenous sovereignty). (93)

To be honest, I’m not sure what that would look like, although Fortier also suggests that it is important “to learn from the place-based philosophies and strategies of mobilization that influence Indigenous processes of resurgence and decolonization” (95)—as long as such learning could take place without appropriation, of course. In his final chapter, Fortier gives one possible example of how this works in practice: the creation of Oshkimaadziig Unity Camp by union activists from York University and members of the Anishinabek Confederacy to Invoke our Nationhood in Awenda Provincial Park, some 200 kilometres north of Toronto. That camp, which lasted four years, “was an example of a commons that situates practice, place, and relationships at the heart of its work,” as well as being “a direct invocation of Anishinabek nationhood and sovereignty,” “an assertion of the connection between this nationhood and the land,” “an interruption of settler colonial sovereignty,” and “an invitation to re-negotiate human and non-human relationships based on traditional Anishinabek knowledge” (102). “For the organizers of the camp,” Fortier writes, “this meant acknowledging the long-standing co-stewardship of these territories between their nation and Haudenosaunee peoples. It also emphasized their desire to invite non-Indigenous people to participate in a renewal of the long histories of Indigenous governance on these lands” (102). The fact that you’ve probably never heard of this camp—I certainly hadn’t—or that it only lasted for a short time, doesn’t matter. “The idea that the changes we are seeking will not come from one grand monolithic movement, but rather from small, diverse, and widespread attempts to live outside the dominant logics of our time” is the purpose of such activities, Fortier argues, citing the idea of the “undercommons” as described by Stefano Harney and Fred Moten in their 2013 book, The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study. The undercommons, Fortier writes, is different from the commons; the latter “is a refusal of the process of closure,” but the former “resists both enclosure and settlement” (104). According to Fortier, “the struggle for the undercommons means to destabilize our intellectual, affective, spiritual, and material commitments to the power relations of white supremacy, heteropatriarchy, capitalism, and settler colonialism” (105). But along with the undercommons, Fortier cites Junot Díaz’s concept of “decolonial love” (106-07), which “bridges the mental, material, emotional, and spiritual through the practice of relationality and reciprocity.” Decolonial love, he continues, “is an invitation to shift and transform our affective and spiritual relationships on these territories. It is a pathway towards a different kind of commons” (107). But, he concludes, “for this strategy to be effective decolonization needs to be foundational to all of our radical dreams, desires, and political projects—from their start and even at their end” (108).

I’m not sure what to make of Fortier’s book. I wonder what tangible results the struggles for the undercommons actually achieve. I find it hard to imagine what a world without states might look like, or how we might get there: after all, the state has a long, long history, and failed states—Venezuela, Libya, Somalia, the former Yugoslavia, or Syria—are hardly places where one would want to live. There’s no guarantee that, once the state has disappeared, gangsters wouldn’t loot the armouries and establish regimes that would make capitalist liberal democracies look pretty good by comparison. What I’m trying to say is that there’s a powerful element of utopianism in Fortier’s argument, as well as a belief in the perfectibility of human nature, and I find both of those somewhat naive. At the same time, I agree with the argument that settlers need to build relationships with Indigenous communities and accept their leadership. That’s one of the reasons I’m learning Cree, although I’m sure that Fortier would tell me that learning an Indigenous language is not enough. Still, Unsettling the Commons has given me a lot to think about, and Fortier’s bibliography is very useful. He also makes me want to give that book by Harney and Moten another try—my first attempt at reading it foundered in the details of their argument. Like much of what I’ve read so far towards my comprehensive examinations, Unsettling the Commons has raised new questions, rather than answering old ones, and perhaps that’s the best outcome I can hope for in this process.

Works Cited

Fortier, Craig. Unsettling the Commons: Social Movements Within, Against, and Beyond Settler Colonialism. ARP Books, 2017.