112d. Norman K. Denzin, Yvonna S. Lincoln, Linda Tuhiwai Smith, eds., Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies, continued

denzin lincoln

According to the editors, the chapters included in Part III, “Critical and Indigenous Methodologies,” “reflexively implement critical indigenous methodologies. . . . by transforming, rereading, and criticizing existing research practices, including life story, life history, ethnographic, autoethnographic, narrative, visual, and postcolonial methodologies” (323). They also elaborate on their earlier definition of indigenous methodology: “Critical indigenous methodologies,” they write,

implement indigenous pedagogies. They are fitted to the needs and traditions of specific indigenous communities. This fitting process may include creating new methodologies, as well as modifying existing practices. In each instance, pragmatic and moral criteria apply. The scholar must ask if these practices or modifications will produce knowledge that will positively benefit this indigenous community. And if so, which members? Of course, this answer cannot always be given in advance. The meaning of any set of actions is only visible in the consequences that follow from the action. (323)

This statement could just as well be applied to research in or with Indigenous communities, and I find myself wondering exactly how education researchers in particular, or social scientists in general, use the term “pedagogy.” Clearly it means something more than just teaching or curriculum. Exactly how much more I can’t say, because I don’t know.

Elizabeth Cook-Lynn’s essay, “History, Myth, and Identity in the New Indian Story,” begins by suggesting that “[t]here are historic and mythic journeys everywhere in Native narratives,” so to call attention to “history, myth, and identity” in Indigenous literature, including “the so-called new Indian story,” a term that seems to mean contemporary Indigenous fiction, means “going back to origins” (329). Going back to those origins leads to a recognition of the importance of geography and language, and it also means recognizing “the holy people and . . . all of the creature worlds and sights and sounds of the universe which surround human beings and their lives” (329). “It seems to me that in terms of the imaginative concepts, which are evident in Indian narratives, origin myths and historical migrations are probably the least accessible and least well known of the influences,” she continues. “Yet, they resonate in the most humble of stories and poems” (329). Her example is one of her own stories, which is probably not the most convincing strategy to use in an essay such as this one. But it does lead to a question: “How does this storytelling assist in understanding the definition of the term indigenous as well as the function of indigenous origins in modern thought?” (330). 

“[I]f we accept the notion that ideas and concepts of origin are essential elements of an indigenous text, we are required as readers to look more deeply into the cultural translations that such a story presents,” Cook-Lynn writes. “The recording of Native views while investigating philosophical formulations has always been the purpose of storytelling, especially that storytelling that tells one generation of listeners what the previous generation has come to know through the long tenancy of the tribe in specific geography” (330). That “reality” is what distinguishes Indigenous storytelling “from other more modern categories of storytelling” (330). However, she continues, “[i]t is an unfortunate reality that the study of American Indian literatures today, with few exceptions, reveals that the new Indian Story being told in the mainstream is rarely believed to be the bearer of traditional knowledge, history, or myth” (330). She defines what she calls “new Indian Story” as the “contemporary genre” called “Native American literatures,” and suggests that “since many American Indian writers today are not the practicing singers and chanters, tribal ritualists, medicine healers, and even committed participants in what may be called a ‘tribal world,’” we should not expect to find traditional knowledge in their work (330-31). Many writers know little about ceremony or ritual or tradition or language; what they are good at “is telling stories, writing novels, practicing poetry and drama, writing memoirs and essays, making movies, and doing journalism” (331). Nevertheless, “origin stories . . . remain the stuff of tradition in the new narrative and, ultimately, are what we rely on when we talk of ‘identity’” (331). “Native literatures are replete with these origin stories,” she states, and they are meant literally, because Indigenous peoples “understand the functions of storytelling as chronologies of the past and the future” (331). I don’t understand how those functions mean that origin stories must be taken literally. 

“The truth is, our literatures have suffered the oppression of colonial intrusion, much knowledge is forgotten or ignored, and we as Native people have often been confused or disillusioned as to what it all means in terms of contemporary lives,” Cook-Lynn writes (331). Part of that intrusion is an imposition of what she calls “the master narrative,” or the Settler version of who Indigenous peoples are (331). “Much of what American Indian literary works have been doing has been to dispute that legacy of colonial intrusion, and in doing so, mythic sensibilities are rediscovered and reclaimed,” she continues. “The ‘master narrative’ is coming under closer scrutiny, and the return to tradition is becoming more important in the Native American story” (331). “The function of mythology . . . from which all ideas about origins emerge, is an essential part of that scrutiny,” and because it is up to Indigenous peoples to talk about the Indigenous life of this continent, “concepts of indigenousness are developed, personalities are identified, events that shape eras are reviewed, and geographies become the center of cultural endeavour” (332). These concepts, personalities, events, and geographies are central to Indigenous origin stories. “[O]ne of the reasons to continue to tell the stories is to remind all of us that we are in danger of losing respect for all living things, including each other,” she continues. “We have lost some kind of communal common sense, and we really do need to talk to one another about how to bring about a new period in our concomitant histories” (332). 

Cook-Lynn laments the fact that “the greatest body of acceptable telling of the Indian story is still in the hands of non-Natives” (332-33). “This means that the Indian story, as it is told outside of the tribal genres and the Indian character, has its own modern imprimatur,” she states (333). Cook-Lynn spends the next several pages discussing Settler literary texts about Indigenous peoples, as well as biographies collected by ethnographers, such as Black Elk Speaks; those biographies are “required reading” for understanding “the pathology of Whites and Indians in America” (336). These “‘informant-based’ Indian stories” are “offshoots of biography” (336). She suggests that readers and writers of biography (apparently not just biographies of Indigenous people) are motivated by “voyeurism and busybodyism” and that biographers are like burglars looking for jewelry (337). The writer of “the ‘informant-based’ Indian story,” she contends, “almost always take sides with the ‘informant’ who gives him or her specific answers to specific questions. The writer/biographer is a believer. That is the nature of the relationship between the Indian informant and writer, and that’s what gives the story its authority for the reader” (337). However, “that’s also what makes these stories neither history nor art in terms of Native intellectualism” (337). For Cook-Lynn, those texts are “anti-intellectual,” because they lack ambiguity, and because their “essential focus is America’s dilemma, not questions about who the Indian thinks he or she is in tribal America” (337-38). These texts are thus “political in nature, colonialistic in perspective, and one-sided” (338). What she calls “Native American intellectualism” is interested in “tribal indigenousness,” and that factor “makes the ‘life story,’ the ‘self’-oriented and nontribal story, seem unrecognizable or even unimportant, non-communal, and unconnected” (338). “If stories are to have any meaning, Indian intellectuals must ask what it means to be an Indian in tribal America,” she argues. “If we don’t attempt to answer that question, nothing else will matter, and we won’t have to ask ourselves whether there is such a thing as Native American intellectualism because there will no longer be evidence of it” (338). I’m not sure I follow this argument; surely the range of Indigenous writing, from Taiaiake Alfred to Leanne Simpson, is evidence that Indigenous intellectuals exist. I must be missing something important. And why is she conflating the category of intellectual with the category of writer? I don’t follow.

Next, Cook-Lynn turns to writers she describes as “mixed-bloods” and complains that in their work there is “much lip service given to the condemnation of America’s treatment of the First Nations” but “few useful expressions of resistance and opposition to the colonial history at the core of Indian/White relations” (338). Instead, she sees “explicit and implicit accommodation to the colonialism of the ‘West’” that has led to “an aesthetic that is pathetic or cynical, a tacit notion of the failure of tribal governments as Native institutions and of sovereignty as a concept, and an Indian identity that focuses on individualism rather than First Nation ideology” (338). She cites Gerald Vizenor’s work as an example and describes “the ‘postcolonial’ story” as “the so-called mixed-blood story,” and suggests that “mixed-bloodedness has become the paradigm of preference” because the “bicultural nature of Indian lives has always been a puzzle to the monoculturalists of America” (338). Another example is the work of Louise Erdrich, which depicts “an inadequate Chippewa political establishment and a vanishing Anishinabe culture” that “suggests the failure of tribal sovereignty and the survival of myth in the modern world” (338-39). According to Cook-Lynn, “Erdrich’s conclusion is an odd one, in light of the reality of Indian life in the substantial Native enclaves of places like South Dakota or Montana or Arizona or New Mexico” (339). That may be, but perhaps Erdrich’s conclusion fits her experience? Or is Cook-Lynn arguing that only positive representations of Indigenous life are appropriate?

Cook-Lynn decries the “plethora of stories of the individual Indian life, biographies, and autobiographies of emancipated Indians who have little or no connection to tribal national life” that “has become the publishing fare of university presses in the name of Native scholarship” (339). She also complains of works of fiction in the 1990s that “catalogue the deficit model of Indian reservation life” and “do not suggest a responsibility of art as an ethical endeavor or the artist as responsible social critic,” which she considers “a marked departure from the early renaissance works of such luminaries as N. Scott Momaday and Leslie Marmon Silko” (339). The key words in that critique are “ethical” and “responsible”: for Cook-Lynn, Adrian Louis (whose work I don’t know) is neither ethical or responsible in his fiction. “The failure of the contemporary Indian novel and literary studies in Native American studies to contribute substantially to intellectual debates in defense of First Nationhood is discouraging,” she writes, and writers and scholars at American universities have refused or been unable “to use a nation-to-nation approach to Native intellectualism” in their work. Instead, “[a] ‘tolerant’ national climate with resourceful diversity curricula has forged the apparatuses through which the study of aesthetics, ideology, and identity in Native thought has flourished to the detriment of autonomous models in Native studies,” and as a result, “there has been little defense of tribal nationhood, and the consequences of that flaw are deeply troubling”:

Indian Nations are dispossessed of sovereignty in literary studies, and there as elsewhere, their natural and legal autonomy is described as simply another American cultural or ethnic minority. Scholarship shapes the political, intellectual, and historical nation-to-nation past as an Americanism that can be compared to any other minority past. Many successful Native writers whose major focus is “mixed-blood liberation and individualism seem to argue their shared victimhood through America’s favorite subjects about Indians (i.e., despair, rootlessness, and assimilation). (339)

The contemporary “American literary voice seems dependent on a university setting,” where few Indigenous people “reside” and those few “are notable for their willingness to change tribal traditions to mainstream traditions of modernity, transcribing in English and imagining in art some principles of personal (but not tribal) politics and expressing the Indian experience in assimilative and mainstream terms” (339-40).

“The mixed-blood literature is characterized by excesses of individualism” and “are the result more of the dominance and patriarchy most noted in American society than of tribalness,” Cook-Lynn continues. “Mixed-blood literary instruction may be viewed as a kind of liberation phenomenon or, more specifically, a deconstruction of a tribal nation past, hardly an intellectual movement that can claim a continuation of the tribal communal story or an ongoing tribal literary tradition” (340). “The omnipresent and evasive role of the urban mixed-blood Indian intellectual writer has not bee examined in its relationship to tribal nation hopes and dreams,” and such writing represents “a movement of considerable consequence whose aim seems to be to give instruction to the academic world about what the imperialistic dispossession imposed on American Indians through the development of capitalistic democracy has meant to the individual, emancipated Indian” (340). The “mixed-blood literary movement” also suggests “that a return to tribal sovereignty on Indian homelands seems to be a lost cause, and American individualism will out” (340). The legacy of such writing will be more assimilation “and confusion as economic questions and cultural questions and federal Indian policy questions become more a matter of power than doctrine” (340). She suggests that this movement “is led by those whose tribal past has never been secure” and that it “is simply the result of the economy and culture imposed by conquest and colonization and politics” (340).

Cook-Lynn cites Antonio Gramsci to argue that these writers “are failed intellectuals because they have not lived up to the responsibility of transmitting knowledge between certain diverse blocs of society,” which from her perspective suggests “that the mixed-blood literary movement arose as a result of the assimilation inherent in cultural studies driven by American politics and imperialism” (340). According to Gramsci, the function of intellectuals is “to be at the forefront of theory but, at the same time, to transmit ideas to those who are not of the so-called professional, academic, intellectual class” (340). She cites Vine Deloria’s contention that “a turn away from academe toward tribal knowledge bases that exist at a grassroots level is the answer to the complex dilemmas of modern scholarship in Indian affairs,” which leads to the suggestion that ideas “are to be generated from the inside of culture, not from the outside looking in” (340). “It is evident that the mixed-blood literary phenomenon is not generated from the inside of tribal culture since many of the practitioners admit they have been removed from cultural influence through urbanization and academic professionalization or even, they suggest, through biology and intermarriage,” and as a result, it is “a literary movement of disengagement” (341):

When writers and researchers and professors who claim mixed blood focus on individualism and liberation, they often do not develop ideas as part of an inner-unfolding theory of Native culture; thus, they do not contribute ideas as a political practice connected to First Nation ideology. No one will argue that Native studies has had as its central agenda the critical questions of race and politics. For Indians in America today, real empowerment lies in First Nation ideology, not in individual liberation of Americanization. (341)

Cook-Lynn suggests that “[t]he explosion of the mixed-blood literary phenomenon is puzzling to those who believe that the essential nature of intellectual work and critical reflection for American Indians is to challenge the politics of dispossession inherent in public policy toward Indian nationhood” (341). Not only is it puzzling, but it is also dangerous, because those involved, “people who have no stake in First Nation ideology,” want “to absolve themselves of their responsibility to speak to that ideology,” and “their self-interest in job seeking, promotion, publishing, tenure, and economic security, dismisses the seriousness of Native intellectual work and its connection to politics” (341). 

The work produced by “the mixed-blood literary movement” is “personal, invented, appropriated, and irrelevant to First Nation status in the United States,” and it can lead to “no important pedagogical movement . . . toward those defensive strategies that are among the vital functions of intellectualism: to change the world, to know it, and to make it better by knowing how to seek appropriate solutions to human problems” (341). “How long, then, can mixed-blood literary figures teach a Native American curriculum in literary studies of self-interest and personal narrative before they realize . . . that the nature of the structural political problems facing the First Nation in America is being marginalized and silenced by the very work they are doing?” she asks (341). Well, at least now I know what Cook-Lynn means when she refers to Indigenous intellectuals: it is a very specific definition focused on the “tribal nation” (340) and “tribal culture” (341) and excludes “mixed-blood” or urban Indigenous people.

Cook-Lynn goes on to criticize contemporary writers for taking “an art for art’s sake approach,” although she also complains that “much bad poetry (which should be called ‘doggerel’) and bad fiction (which should be called ‘pop art’) has been published in the name of Native American art” (341). She cites John Gardner’s contention that “bad art has a harmful effect on society,” and demands that responsible critics distinguish between literary fiction and popular fiction (341). According to Cook-Lynn, “there are such concepts as (a) moral fiction and (b) indigenous/tribally specific literary traditions from which the imagination emerges,” and that there needs to be a discussion of “what is literary art and what is trash or fraudulent or pop in North American literatures,” although only a few “American Indian writers” would “have the stomach for” such a discussion (341-42). She again cites Momaday’s 1968 novel House Made of Dawn (which I don’t know) as a classic “not imply because it adheres to the principles of the oral traditions of the tribes,” or “because it seeks out the sources of ritual and ceremony, language, and storytelling,” although both aspects are “essential”:

It is considered a classic because it is a work that explores traditional values, revealing truth and falsity about those values from a framework of tribal realism. It is diametrically opposed to fantasy, which often evades or suppresses moral issues. Momaday’s work allows profound ideas to be conceptualized, allows its Indian readers to work through those ideas and move on to affirm their lives as Indian people. (342)

House Made of Dawn also “adheres to the Gardner principle and the principles of the oral traditions that good stories incline the reader to an optimistic sense” (342). She wants the ideas contained in literary texts to contain ideas that are “life affirming to the indigenes” (342).

“[I]f untrammeled and unexamined,” the “art for art’s sake phenomenon” will let “Indian artists off the hook” and lead them “away from what some of us may consider a responsibility to our own tribal traditions. Though modernity suggests the inevitability of that moving away for the sake of a living art, I am not sure that are can be considered art if it ignores its own historical sense” (342). She deplores the tendency towards magic realism in contemporary Indigenous fiction, noting that it arose in Spanish-language, South-American literature, which she describes as a colonizing literature. This interest in magic realism, she argues, “could be thought of . . . as another generic imposition upon the indigenous story. And the question of distortion in American Indian intellectualism or its outright dismissal again looms” (342). She asks what magic realism distorts in relation to Indigenous cultures (342). “Do we accept the idea that the current Indian story rises out of ‘The Age of mixed-blood and magical fantasies’?” she asks. “If not, artists and critics must come to understand that popular Native American fiction is as extricably tied to specific tribal legacies as contemporary Jewish literature is tied to the literary legacies of the nations of Eastern Europe or contemporary Black literature is tied to the nations of tribal Africa” (343).

In the concluding section of Cook-Lynn’s essay, “The Dilemma,” she asks “how it is that what might be called experimental work in contemporary Native American literature or ‘pulp fiction’ narratives or fantasies will assist us with our real lives” (343). “Does this art give thoughtful consideration to the defense of our lands, resources, languages, and children?” she asks. “Is anyone doing the intellectual work in and about Indian communities that will help us understand our future? While it is true that any indigenous story tells of death and blood, it also tells of indigenous rebirth and hope, not as Americans or as some new ersatz race but as the indigenes of this continent” (343). “Does the Indian story as it is told now end in rebirth of Native nations as it did in the past?” she continues. “Does it help in the development of worthy ideas, prophecies for a future in which we continue as tribal people who maintain the legacies of the past and a sense of optimism?” (343). These, for Cook-Lynn, are essential questions for Indigenous writers; texts that do not address them “have little or nothing to do with what may be defined as Native intellectualism” (343):

What is Native intellectualism, then? Who are the intellectuals? Are our poets and novelists articulating the real and the marvelous in celebration of the past, or are they the doomsayers of the future? Are they presenting ideas, moving through those ideas and beyond? Are they the ones who recapture the past and preserve it? Are they thinkers who are capable of supplying principles that may be used to develop further ideas? Are they capable of the critical analysis of cause and effect? Or, are our poets and novelists just people who glibly use the English language to entertain us, to keep us amused and preoccupied so that we are no longer capable of making the distinction between the poet and the stand-up comedian? Does that distinction matter anymore? Does it matter how one uses language and for what purpose? (343)

She suggests that the work of Alfonso Ortiz, N. Scott Momaday, and Vine Deloria, Jr. was “based in history and culture and politics that looked out on the White world from a communal, tribally specific indigenous past” (343-44). She sees little in contemporary Indigenous writing, however, that “has the perspective that propelled Ortiz, Momaday, and Deloria toward a scholarship that concerned itself with indigenousness” (344). Contemporary Indigenous literature is not “profound” and it “does not pose the unanswerable questions for our future as Indians in America” (344).

Cook-Lynn has other questions to ask: “Who says our modern works, which focus on the pragmatic problems of the noncommunal world of multicultural America, are worthy to be the lasting works in our legacy of artistry?” (344). And “who says that the modern works written by American Indians, introspective and self-centred,” have gotten “it right”? (344). “[T]he modern Indian story (whether told by an Indian or a non-Indian) seems to have taken a very different course from its traditional path in Native societies,” she writes. “In doing so, it has defined the literary place where the imaginative final encounter may be staged and only time holds the answer to its continuity or rejection or obligation or interdiction” (344). “Native intellectuals,” whom she describes as “dabbling” in “a rather shallow pool of imagination and culture,” “must pull ourselves together not only to examine the irrelevant stories of ‘other’ storytellers”—I think she means non-Indigenous writers who take on Indigenous topics here—“but to critically examine the self-centred stories we presume to tell about our own people” (344).

Cook-Lynn has very definite ideas about how Indigenous stories ought to be told, and she is not unwilling to be prescriptive:

Indian stories, traditions, and languages must be written, and they must be written in a vocabulary that people can understand rather than the esoteric language of French and Russian literary scholars that has overrun the lit-crit scene. Scholars in Native intellectual circles must resist the flattery that comes from many corners, defend freedom, refute rejection from various power enclaves, and resist the superficiality that is so much a part of the modern/urban voice. We must work toward a new set of principles that recognizes the tribally specific literary traditions by which we have always judged the imagination. This distinguished legacy—largely untapped by critics, mainstream readers, and Native participants—is too essential to be ignored as we struggle toward the inevitable modernity of Native American intellectualism. (344-45)

“[T]he business of history and myth and identity for American Indians and for all of us is a complex matter,” Cook-Lynn continues. “It deserves our attention” (345). Yet colonialism “has dealt a crushing blow to all of this world that I have been describing here briefly,” she writes. Nevertheless, “[d]espite the crimes of history, we write. We continue as poets, novelists, fictionists, parents, grandparents. We continue to want the stories. We have little power, but that does not mean that we have no influence” (345). It is her business as a writer and scholar, she states, “to remember the past and recall the old ways of the people. Literature and myth and history have always been the way to shape a new world” (345). She ends by citing her own writing as an example of work that sees the world through the optic of “tribal experiences” (345). 

I’m not sure what to make of Cook-Lynn’s argument—and as a môniyâw, I’m not sure it’s my business to pass judgement on the claims she makes here—but I am very uncomfortable with its prescriptive nature and its attack on “mixed-blood” writers. Neither strikes me as particularly useful or helpful. However, I’ll have to ask my friends who are experts in the area what they think of this essay (or, at least, my summary of it).

I skipped “‘Self’ and ‘Other’: Auto-Reflexive and Indigenous Ethnography,” by Keyan G. Tomaselli, Lauren Dyll, and Michael Francis, because I have no intention of engaging in ethnography in my project (autoethnography, perhaps, but ethnography, no), and turned to “Autoethnography is Queer,” by Tony E. Adams and Stacy Holman Jones. I have a lengthy book on autoethnography edited by Adams, Holman Jones, and Carolyn Ellis, and if it isn’t on my reading list, it probably should be—but perhaps this essay will give me enough of a preview. (Probably not, though.) They begin with an anecdote that leads to a discussion of the distinction between “subjugated knowledges,” which “are present but disguised in theory and method, criticism and scholarship, experience and disciplinary (and disciplining) conversations,” and “knowledge of subjugation—stories of struggle, oppression, humiliation” (374). They cite Craig Gingrich-Philbrook’s questioning of whether “stories of loss, failure, and resistance don’t often work as ‘advertisements for power’”:

He wonders if such stories ask us to hew to an overly formalist view of what not only constitutes autoethnography but what makes for successful, viable, and remarkable personal storytelling in the name of autoethnography or any other academic pursuit. He wonders if our interest in realism, in evocation, in proving—once and for all—that what autoethnographers and experimental writers are doing is scholarship—trades in and betrays literary ambiguity, writerly vulnerability, institutional bravery, difference, and artistry. He suggests that telling stories of subjugated knowledges—stories of pleasure, gratification, and intimacy—offers one possibility for writing against and out of the bind of sacrificing a multitudinous artistry for clear, unequivocal knowledge. (374)

Oh, dear, I find myself wondering, is this more prescription—this time, prescribing what kinds of stories autoethnographers ought to tell? Besides, what does the phrase “trades in” mean in that sentence? What is the relationship between trading in something—marketing it to others—and betrayal? And are social scientists really artists? Wouldn’t they have to dump the word “sciences” from the noun phrase “social sciences” and call themselves “social artists” instead? Does art have scientific value? Is that its purpose? Really?

The authors return to the anecdote with which the essay begins—a story about being recognized at Starbucks—to suggest “that something socially and culturally and politically significant—something queer—happened” in that encounter (374). “What are the possibilities of particular, ambiguous, mundane, queer stories of encounter?” they ask:

What are the promises and possibilities of this artistry (a word I substituted, just now, for work) for qualitative research and critical methodologies? Will such stories help us generate some type of agreement about the value, seriousness, and commitment of autoethnographic work, our approach in engaging such work, and our recognition of those who are doing it and doing it well? Will such stories provide a counterpoint to the balancing act of telling of loss and pleasure, despair and hope? Will such stories help us decide who gets invited to speak, who gets an audience, who gets tenure, who gets acknowledged? Will such stories help us build communities, maintain borders, live somewhere in between? I’m not sure they will and I’m not sure I want them to. (374)

That last sentence leaves me wondering what the point of all of this has been. What do the authors actually want autoethnography to do? 

“Autoethnography, whether a practice, a writing form, or a particular perspective on knowledge and scholarship, hinges on the push and pull between and among analysis and evocation, personal experience and larger social, cultural, and political concerns,” they continue in the essay’s next section, “Hinge” (374). The authors write that “attempts to locate, to tie up, to define autoethnography as as diverse as our perspectives on what autoethnography are as diverse as our perspectives on what autoethnography is and what we want it to do” (374). Such attempts try to “delineate the relationship of self or selves (informant, narrator, I) and others/communities/cultures (they, we, society, nation, state)” in different ways: as extractive, as personal, as an “evocatively rendered, aesthetically compelling, and encounter,” as an art form that “exhibits aesthetic merit, reflexivity, emotional and intellectual force, and a clear sense of a cultural, social, individual, or communal reality” (374-75). Autoethnography in this formulation, they continue, “is an effort to set a scene, tell a story, and create a text that demands attention and participation; makes witnessing and testifying possible; and puts pleasure, difference, and movement into productive conversation” (375). Why “movement”? Is that word meant literally or metaphorically? What is moving, and where is it going?

Opening up “definitional boundaries” is another way of approaching autoethnography, they continue (375). In this approach, autoethnography is an “‘orientation toward scholarship,” rather than “a method, a specific set of procedures, or a mode of representation” (Gingrich-Philbrook, qtd. 375). This approach “does not abandon intersections or interests but instead makes the politics of knowledge and experience central to what autoethnography is and does, as well as what it wants to be and become” (375). With the addition of performance and embodiment, autoethnography becomes “‘a way of seeing and being [that] challenges, contests, or endorses the official, hegemonic ways of seeing and representing the other’” (Denzin, qtd. 375). Okay, but what other form or method or orientation discussed in this handbook does not challenge or potentially endorse “hegemonic ways of seeing and representing the other”? Isn’t that a claim made about everything that’s been discussed in this handbook so far?

In any case, “[t]he actions and meanings that we invoke and engage when we utter and inscribe the word ‘autoethnography’ conjure a variety of methodological approaches and techniques, writing practices, and scholarly and disciplinary traditions” (375). There is no single definition “or set of practices” involved; instead, “an abstract, open, and flexible space of movement is necessary to let the doing of autoethnography begin, happen, and grow” (375). However, such a “considered, differential positioning has also caused worry about whose or what traditions we’re working in, which methods of analysis and aesthetic practice we’re using (or ignoring), and whether we can co-exist peacefully while at the same time generating positive movement (and change) in our multiplicity” (375). Beyond “the crises of legitimation, representation, and praxis,” there are questions about “the relationship between analysis and evocation, personal experience and larger concerns, and the reason we do this work at all,” they continue. “Is it to advance theory and scholarship? To engage in an artistic and necessarily circuitous practice? To render clean lines of inquiry and mark sure meanings and thus knowledge? To change the world?” (375). Are these ambitions incompatible? If so, can autoethnographers acknowledge their differences and claim their own versions of autoethnography? “We could also return to the oppositions and to the hinge, to the elemental movement . . . that work these oppositions,” they write. “And, returning there, we could ask what the hinge holds and pieces together, here solidly, there weakening, in many places coming undone: analysis and evocation, experience and world, apples and oranges” (375). “We could also ask what our hinges do, what versions of lives, embodiments, and power these hinges put in motion, what histories they make go,” they continue (375-76). 

According to the authors, those are fundamental questions that go “beyond contextualization, historicization, and reflexivity to intervene in the very construction of such constructions” (376). Those questions “ask questions about what counts—as experience, as knowledge, as scholarship, as opening up possibilities for doing things and being in the world differently” (376). (Can questions ask questions?) They also ask questions about who gets to be recognized as human (376). “Asking these questions suggests that we dismantle the hinge—that we become ‘unhinged’—from ‘linear narrative deployment,’ creating work and texts that turn ‘language and bodies in upon themselves reflecting and redirecting subaltern knowledges,’ and in which ‘fragments of lived experience collide and realign with one another, breaking and remaking histories’” (Tami Spry, qtd. 376). But at the same time those questions “also remind us of the necessity of the hinge, of the ink that it makes, however, tenuously, to others even in the release of their hold on us,” a necessity that “speaks to the threat of ‘becoming undone altogether,’ creating selves, texts, and worlds that no longer incorporate the ‘norm’ (of sociality, of discourses, of knowledges, of intelligibility) in ways that make these selves, texts, and worlds recognizable as such” (376). They cite Judith Butler on “the juncture from which critique emerges” (qtd. 376), which they take to be the same as the hinges they are discussing.

Next, the authors present a list of what seem to be characteristics of autoethnography’s hinge, quoting Judith Butler, Chandra Mohanty, and Chela Sandoval as they do so:

The claiming of experience, of a personal story, of humanity in the struggle over self-representation, interpretation, and recognition. The accounting for oneself as constituted relationally, socially, in terms not entirely (or in any way) our own. The movement between two “traps, the purely experiential and the theoretical oversight of personal and collective histories.” The performative space both within and outside of subjects, structures, and differences where the activist (the writer, the performer, the scholar) becomes in the moment of acting (the moment of writing, performing, doing scholarship). Where we are made in the same way the judge, promiser, oath taker is made in the act of judging, promising, or swearing an oath. The hinge is an instrument of transitivity, a moral movement that is inspired and linked, acting and acted upon. The hinge asks us to align what may seem divided perspectives—without forgetting their differences or their purposeful movements—in order to “puncture through the everyday narratives that tie us to social time and space, to the descriptions, recitals, and plots that dull and order our senses.” (quoting Butler, Mohanty, and Sandoval 376)

After presenting these different perspectives on autoethnography, the authors reveal their own position: they agree with Sandoval’s argument for “a ‘differential’ methodology that aims at tactically, and we might add tectonically, shifting ways of being, knowing, and acting in the world” (376). (The word “tectonically” is hyperbole: do we actually expect our research to make the earth move?) “As one point, or tactic for departure, we explore the hinge that links autoethnography and queer theory,” they continue:

We wonder if, in the binding and alliance of autoethnography and queer theory—if in recognizing ways these “broad orientations” complement and fail each other—we might emerge with something else, something new. We are not after a homogenizing blend or a nihilistic prioritizing of concerns. . . . Instead, we want a transformation of the identities and categories, commitments and possibilities that autoethnography conjures and writes, as well as the identities and categories, commitments and possibilities of autoethnography itself. We wonder what happens when we think, say, do, and write: autoethnography is queer. (376-77)

Well, you can’t say that Holman Jones and Adams aren’t ambitious. But honestly, is any academic essay likely to transform “the identities and categories, commitments and possibilities” that autoethnography, or any other form of research, generates or represents? One of the problems I have with such claims, which I see repeated throughout this anthology, is their utter lack of humility, their incapacity to recognize the limits of possibility of academic research, their claims to a political efficacy that cannot possibly be realized. That’s one of the reasons I keep hoping for examples of the methodologies described by these texts: I am looking for at least one example of a methodology that can support the theoretical claims these authors make. So far, I’ve been disappointed, probably because the revolutionary fervour in the theory is impossible to put into practice.

In the essay’s next section, the authors respond in poetry to poetry written by Minnie Bruce Pratt. It’s an example of autoethnography, an account of trying to write a paper, or perhaps give a paper (the narrative context is not clear until the end of the section) and it leads to a larger significance. “I want to say that this poetry does not stop or end with queer,” they write. “The our poetry does not stop or end with radical historicization, with questioning categories or normalization, with turning cutting language inside out or making manifest violent and colonizing hierarchies, though these are things that must be done” (378). It’s not entirely clear whether the authors are talking about their own poetry, or Pratt’s, or both, or the collective poetry of the LGBTQ+ community. In any case, the poetry they are describing clearly has large political ambitions. They continue:

I want to say that such poetry, such a poetics, is also a chance for movement, a means to transform the static of a noun—queer—into the action of a verb—queering. I want to speak about moving theory play into methodological activism. I want to say, autoethnography is queer. I want to make autoethnography into performative speech that creates a freedom from having to be “careful about what we say” (Pratt, qtd. 378)

Let’s leave aside the equation between poetry and poetics (the words are not typically considered synonyms) and the claim that “queer” is a noun (it’s a verb, a noun, and an adjective, according to the OED) or that “queering” is a verb (as a participle, yes, but as a gerund, it’s a noun). What claim is actually being made here? What does “queer” mean in this context? What about the slippage between “queer” as an identity and as a broader subversion of orthodoxy? Isn’t the latter usage an appropriation? Doesn’t the fact of that appropriation need to be addressed—if indeed that’s the way they are using the word? At the end of the section, the authors write of being prevented from finishing their presentation: “I am asked, then told, that I am finished” (378). The common conference phenomenon of running over one’s allotted time seems to have become an act of political repression. Again, we run into the phenomenon of poetry, claimed as a methodology, not being peer reviewed by other poets, a necessary characteristic of a methodology. The nearly obsolete word “poetaster” comes to mind.

My questions about the word “queer” are addressed in the essay’s next section. They cite Judith Butler’s definition—that queering is a redeployment or twisting from “a ‘prior usage’ (derogatory, accusatory, violent) in the ‘direction of urgent and expanding political purposes” (Butler, qtd. 378). “Queer theory refuses to close down inventiveness, refuses static legitimacy,” they write. “One could argue that queer theory has discursively achieved this legitimation and sanctioning, a form of normalcy, but it can attempt to work against this normalcy, never becoming comfortable with itself as a sensibility of its cultural acceptance” (378). However, “many queer theorists unfortunately have a difficult time queering themselves,” meaning that queer theory (like anything else) has a tendency to harden into the static rigidity of a law or program (378). They suggest that bringing autoethnography and queer theory into dialogue will lead in a direction similar to Sara Ahmed’s “melding of phenomenology and queer theory”: “what can happen if we queer autoethnography?” (378-79). “Both autoethnography and queer theory share conceptual and purposeful affinities: Both refuse received notions of orthodox methodologies and focus instead on fluidity, intersubjectivity, and responsiveness to particularities,” they continue:

Both autoethnography and queer theory embrace an opportunistic stance toward existing and normalizing techniques in qualitative inquiry, choosing to “borrow,” “refashion,” and “retell” methods and theory differently. Both autoethnography and queer theory take up selves, beings, “I”s, even as they work against a stable sense of such self-subjects or experience and instead work to map how self-subjects are accomplished in interaction and act in and upon the world. And, given their commitments to refiguring and refashioning, questioning normative discourses and acts, and undermining and refiguring how lives and lives worth living come into being, both autoethnography and queer theory are thoroughly political projects. (379)

However, both autoethnography and queer theory have been “criticized for being too much and too little—too much personal mess, too much theoretical jargon, too elitist, too sentimental, too removed, too difficult, too easy, too White, too Western, too colonialist, too indigenous. Too little artistry, too little theorizing, too little connection of the personal and political, too impractical, too little fieldwork, too few real-world applications” (379). They argue that “[q]ueering autoethnography both answers and exacerbates these critiques in that they are critiques of abundance and excess”:

Queering autoethnography takes up a broad orientation to research and representation that exists between and outside the tensions of experience and analysis. It hinges distance and closeness, equality and prioritizing oppression, conversation/dialogue and irony/rebellious debate, and accessibility and academic activism. Our goal is to be “inclusive without delimiting,” to “remap the terrain” of autoethnography and queer theory “without removing the fences that make good neighbours.” (Alexander, qtd. 379)

Their goal, they write, is to “hinge a brief portrait of queer theory and queer projects to the purposes and practices of autoethnography” (379).

In the next section, the authors (Adam, I think, is writing this part) discuss how wearing a short or hat with the logo of an LGBTQ+ human rights organization has led to being treated nicely by baristas, flight attendants, and servers, and to receiving an apology from a homophobic cashier in a grocery store. That autobiographical (or autoethnographic: really, what separates the two forms? does autoethnography have a greater ambition than mere autobiography or memoir?) interlude is followed by a summary of queer theory, which they contend “is best conceived of as a shifting sensibility rather than a static theoretical paradigm” which “developed in response to a normalizing of (hetero)sexuality as well as from a desire to disrupt insidious social conventions” (381). (Why is “hetero” in parentheses?) “Fluidity and dynamism characterize queer thought, motivating queer researchers to work against disciplinary legitimation and rigid categorization,” they write, citing Judith Butler, Teresa de Lauretis, and Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick as those primarily responsible for its development (381). The word “queer,” they continue, “can function as an identity category that avoids the medical baggage of ‘homosexual,’ disrupts the masculine bias and domination of ‘gay,’ and avoids the ‘ideological liabilities’ of the ‘lesbian’ and ‘gay’ binary” (381). They quote Sedgwick on “queer”:

[it] can refer to “the open mesh of possibilities, gaps, overlaps, dissonances and resonances, lapses and excesses of meaning when the constituent elements of anyone’s gender, of anyone’s sexuality aren’t made (or can’t be made) to signify monolithically.” Queer can also serve as a temporary and contingent linguistic home for individuals living outside the norms of sex and gender (e.g., intersex, transsexual) and, as such, must not just involve transgressions of sexuality; a person can claim a queer signifier if she or he works against oppressive, normalizing discourses of identity. As a critical sensibility, queer theory tries to steer clear of categorical hang-ups and linguistic baggage, removes identity from essentialist and constructionist debates, and commits itself to a politics of change. (381)

Given this definition, I wouldn’t feel comfortable adopting the term to describe my own research, although I didn’t feel that way after reading Sara Ahmed’s work. Different definitions, perhaps, have different effects and include or exclude different people, even unintentionally. 

That is the point of the essay’s next section, “Categorical Hang-Ups and Linguistic Baggage.” Queer theory “values ‘definitional indeterminacy’ and ‘conceptual elasticity,’” (Yep, Lovaas, and Elia, qtd. 381). Queer theorists reject “‘labeling philosophies’” while reclaiming “marginal linguistic identifiers” (381). They “work to disrupt binaries of personhood, and remain inclusive of identities not subsumed under canonical descriptors” (381). Queer theorists also revel “in languages’s failure, assuming that words can never definitively represent phenomena or stand in for things themselves” (381). (I’m not sure queer theorists are the only ones aware of language’s failure to represent phenomena, though.) The authors’ example of language’s failure is the way one defines “woman”: their various attempts at providing a definition (not all of which are serious: one is “All women are terrible at math and science,” for instance) fall apart, particularly in relation to transwomen (381). “The more we interrogate identity categories, the more we fall into linguistic illusion, the more we recognize language’s fallibility,” they write. “Such an illusory, fallible condition, however, creates a ‘greater openness in the way we think through our categories,’ a goal of queer research” (Plummer, qtd. 381-82). In relation to questions of identity, the failure of language “becomes important: While we interact with others via socially established categories, these labels crumble upon interrogation, thus making a perpetual journey of self-understanding possible” (382). As a method, autoethnography “allows a person to document perpetual journeys of self-understanding,” which then “allows her or him to produce queer texts” (382). That’s quite a leap—is all autoethnography queer in that sense? is all life-writing queer in that sense—but, the authors continue, such a “queer autoethnography also encourages us to think through and out of our categories for interaction and to take advantage of language’s failure to capture or contain selves, ways of relating, and subjugated knowledges” (382). 

The authors’ second point is “that queer theory conceives of identity as a relational ‘achievement’” (Garfinkel, qtd. 382). “An achievement metaphor,” they contend, “situates identities in interaction, in processes where we are held accountable for being persons of particular kinds, kinds that we sometimes know or try to present ourselves as, but also kinds about which we have no definitive control” (382). “A queer, identity-as-achievement logic implies that we are held accountable for identities that often take the form of linguistic categories,” they continue, “but implies we can never know what categories others may demand of us or what kinds of people others will consider us as; we can try to pass as kinds of persons, but we may not succeed or know if we succeed” (382). This notion “implies that selves emerge from and remain contingent upon situated embodied practices, acts that rely on compulsory, citational, stereotypical performances about being kinds of people” (382). It also suggests “that identities fluctuate across time and space, thus requiring constant attention and negotiation,” and that identities are not singular, fixed, or normal, even if they appear that way (382). It also “distances identity from essentialist and constructionist debates of selfhood”: from, on the one hand, the notion that identity if biologically determined, and on the other, the claim that identities are “socially established and maintained through interaction” (382). Instead, a “queer, identity-as-achievement” perspective “embraces the contextual achievement of and passing as certain kinds of people” (382). Identity is a performance, then, or a series of performances: 

In one context, an individual may be perceived as heterosexual whereas in another context, the individual may be perceived as bisexual or homosexual. In another context, an individual may pass as White, and in another context, this individual may pass as Black, and in another context, this individual may pass as multiracial. In one context, an individual may pass as Catholic, and in another context she or he may pass as Baptist, and in another context, she or he may pass as Jewish. (382)

But are all of these performances appropriate? Do they all make sense? Should White people, for example, attempt to pass as Indigenous? Should Gentiles attempt to pass as Jews? Does this argument end up supporting the performances of Joseph Boyden or Rachel Dolezal? I mean, I’m a Settler: I can’t pretend to be anything else. I wouldn’t want to engage in that kind of pretense, either. And what is the connection between context and interpretation, on the one hand, and the performance of identity, on the other? Is performance always contextual? Or are two very different ideas—performance and the reception of performance—being jumbled together here?

“An identity-as-achievement perspective does not imply that biology has nothing to do with interaction, nor does it foreground environmental influences on selfhood; the essence of selves and the processes through which selves are made are the foci of queer theory,” they continue (382). That’s a confusing sentence: biology must therefore have something to do with interaction, but environmental influences are in the background rather than the foreground? I don’t understand. What are selves made out of, if not, in part, the entanglements between a variety of cultural influences and biology, among other things? I understand that the authors are trying to distance queer notions of identity as performance from biological essentialism or environmental determinism, but that sentence leaves me wondering what biology has to do with “interaction” and where environmental influences are situated. And, strangely, in a subsequent autoethnographic section of the essay, a reference is made to “scripts of masculinity,” suggesting that social or cultural influences to exert some pressure on the performance of identity. It seems to me that the argument that identity is mostly a performance ignores the ways in which it is not.

But when autoethnographies appear in the permanency of print, this “queer sensibility” can become fixed and rigid: “a written text can function as a permanent representation, a lifeless, uncompromising snapshot of culture. Finished texts solidify human trajectories in time and space, making it possible for life to imitate immobile art” (382). Wait a minute—aren’t they talking about representations of life, rather than life itself? By publishing autoethnographic accounts, they continue, “we solidify an identity into text, and we harden a community, never allowing us or it to change” (383). I’m not sure this presumed immobility is any different from photography or painting or film or any means of representation. Then what? “But by considering autoethnography queer, we recognize that identities may not be singular, fixed, or normal across all interactions,” they write. “Identities constructed through a queering of autoethnography are relational; they shift and change. We are held accountable for being particular kinds of people by numerous seen and unseen forces”—who or what conducts this policing of identity? what are these “forces”?—but our/these kinds of identities are in constant need of attention, negotiation, and care” (383). But how does a theoretical perspective counter the material fact of the printed text’s immobility? I don’t think it can. Then what?

Their third point is that queer theory is politically committed—if that commitment, or politics, “deconstructs what may pass as ‘natural’ and ‘normal’” and “focuses on how bodies both constitute and are constituted by systems of power as well as how bodies might serve as sites of social change,” as well as “embraces a ‘politics of transgression’” (383). Queer theorists, they continue, “revel in ‘symbolic disorder,’ pollute established social conventions, and diffuse hegemonic categories and classifications” (383). Queer theory is therefore perverse: its projects “function as this denormalizing perversion often by re/appropriating marginal discourse” in order “to pollute canonical discourse, to question what mundanely passes as normal,” to “counter canonical stories, and make discursive ‘trouble’” (383). Even the use of the word “queer” is “a queer act, a queer politics,” because that usage reappropriates “the once-taboo word and tries to reclaim abject power” (383). “By using queer in an affirmative sense—by incorporating it into mainstream discourse and associating the term with the academically valued theory—queer endeavors can emerge as desirable and esteemed,” they write (383). 

“Queering autoethnography embraces fluidity, resists definitional and conceptual fixity, looks to self and and structures as relational accomplishments, and takes seriously the need to create more livable, equitable, and just ways of living,” Adam and Holman Jones write (384). (The notion of self and structures—what structures—as “relational accomplishments” is a new idea that needs to be explored. How are structures “accomplishments”? Who accomplishes structure? That sounds collective rather than individual, doesn’t it? And if so, is this an acknowledgement that cultural and social influences play a role in the performance of self?) “The hinge that links queer theory and autoethnography,” they continue, is “a differential and oppositional form of consciousness” which is transitive because it intervenes in social reality (384). The “subject-selves” of autoethnography “are forthrightly incomplete, unknown, fragmented, and conflictual,” and by “[f]ailing to recognize these contingencies, ellipses, and contradictions,” autoethnographers end up in a place “where boundaries are policed, disciplinary and scholarly turf is defined and fought over, and systems for what and who ‘counts’ and doesn’t count undermine the very liberatory impulses we imagine for our work” (384-85). “In the place of relationality, performativity, and transitivity, we create singularity, clarity, and certainty,” they write. “In short, we create good stories: stories that report on recognizable experiences, that translate simply and specifically to an ‘actionable result’—an emotional response, a change in thinking or behavior, a shift in policy or perception, publication, tenure” (385). I’m astonished by the slippage in the last sentence of that quotation: tenure or publication as “an ‘actionable result’”? What is the link between such personal benefits—which any writer would desire, frankly—and the high-minded desire for a potential “shift in policy or perception”? Moreover, don’t all writers hope to get at least an emotional response from their audiences? Don’t they hope (to some extent) to change their audiences’ perceptions? How then is autoethnography different from other kinds of writing?

Autoethnographers, they continue, have tended to favour “clarity and transparency of knowledge . . . over ambiguity—room for interpretation, misunderstanding, not knowing, leaving things unanswered”; they have “[f]oregrounded knowledge claims and publication in sanctioned or legitimate outlets”—in academic journals, for example—and have “gloss[ed] over aesthetic (literary) concerns”; they have looked for “proof of worth and legitimacy by creating typologies for good stories to enact” even while resisting that compulsion; they have “[e]ngaged in recursive debates about how to define autoethnography” (385). None of this sounds very queer; it sounds like a problem they might want to address, or a self-criticism. They return to Gingrich-Philbrook’s call for writing about “subjugated knowledges, stories that are present but disguised”: 

These are stories of pleasure, of gratification, of the mundane, as they intersect, crisscrossing rhizomatically with stories of subjugation, abuse, and oppression. One of the most ready forms for such tellings is found in narrative accounts of our lives. And so, autoethnography is queer. Saying so means taking a stand on a poetics of change. Saying so treats identities and communities as a performative, relational accomplishment. (385)

They cite Judith Butler’s contention that stories are always told “in order to make ourselves ‘recognizable and understandable’” (qtd. 385):

This is a recognition of a need to unfasten the hinge that separates experience and analysis and the personal and the political, even as we need it to create an intelligible humanity, a life both livable and worth living. It is a recognition of humanity that doesn’t end or stop in the move from the space of illegitimacy, all breath and speech, dark and hollow, to the place of legitimacy, resplendent and lucid in word and text. (385)

Why is speech illegitimate while text is “resplendent”? Why sneak in that binary opposition in a text that is ostensibly about undoing binary oppositions? I don’t get it.

They cite a long quotation from Butler about the need to be “undone by another” (qtd. 385) and wonder “if the ethics of undoing that Butler describes enacts both the pleasures and the oppressions of autoethnography and, furthermore, if it anticipates the juncture, the stitching together—the hinging—of autoethnography and queer theory” (385-86). They suggest, for example, that autoethnographers ought to make “work that becomes, like a perpetual horizon, rather than an artifact of experience,” that “acts as if, rather than says it is” (386). “Such work understands the importance of being tentative, playful, and incomplete in equal measure with radical historicization, persistent questioning, and perpetual revision,” they claim (386). They call upon autoethnographers to make “work that simultaneously imagines fluid, temporary, and radically connected identities and that creates and occupies recognizable identities”: that kind of work would see “identities as relational accomplishments: manifestations of selves that shift and change, that must be negotiated and cared for, and for which we are held personally, institutionally, and ethically responsible” (386). Finally, they suggest that autoethnographers make “work that advocates for trouble, that takes a stand in and on the otherwise,” thus disrupting “taken-for-granted, normalizing stories” and positing “more open, more free, and more just ways of being in the world” (386). I would be more interested in these descriptions of what autoethnography ought to be like if the authors were able to provide examples of work that resembles the kind of writing they are calling for. I need examples of practice, as well as the demands of theory. 

“We encourage you to claim and reclaim the word queer in the name of autoethnography, in the name of challenging categories and achieving identities and communities that are fluid yet complex, multiple yet cognizant of the attention, negotiation, and care that impinge on any scholarly project,” they conclude. “We encourage you to twist autoethnography from its prior usages, whether diminishing or valorizing, and put it to use for altogether new political purposes” (386). I wonder of those words are intended as a rebuttal to the description of autoethnography they provide on the previous page. 

In the essay’s final, autoethnographic section, the authors wonder about taking chances “motivated not out of a misplaced or, worse, righteous self-sufficiency, but a willingness to become undone and moved to act” (387). “Why not write over, on, and through the boundaries of what constitutes and contributes to autoethnography—to qualitative and critical research—by creating a few queer stories, a few queer autoethnographies?” they ask. “Why not embrace a critical stance that values opacity, particularity, indeterminateness for what they bring and allow us to know and forget, rather than dismissing these qualities as slick deconstructive tricks, as frustrating, as unmoving and unrecognizable?” (387). Those words definitely sound like a rejoinder to the description of autoethnography as privileging clarity, transparency, ad knowledge. To queer autoethnography, then, would be to write differently.

For my part, I like both clarity and ambiguity and I don’t see why one can’t have both. I think ambiguity is not the same as indeterminacy, and I’m not sure why knowledge is something to be abandoned. I haven’t read the three key writers on queer theory, but I have trouble believing that our selves are entirely performed without some influence, at least part of the time, from biology and our cultural or social contexts. I know those contexts have had an influence on who I’ve become, on the range of roles available for my performances of self. The authors must know so too; why else do they uncritically cite Louis Althusser’s Lenin and Philosophy? Perhaps I would have to read Judith Butler, at least, to understand why Holman Jones and Adam are making this claim, or perhaps that claim has been stretched beyond a reasonable point. Nor am I sure that “queer” is a word that I ought to use; to turn it into a metaphor would be to ignore the actual struggles those who identify as queer experience. And, finally, I’m not sure why autoethnography, as a term, is preferable to memoir or autobiography or life-writing. Don’t all examples of life-writing address the subject’s wider context(s)? Is autoethnography making a truth claim that those other ways of writing the self do not? I don’t have answers to these questions; they only way to get answers, I would expect, would be to keep reading.

I almost skipped over D. Soyini Madison’s “Narrative Poetics and Performative Interventions,” mostly because I’m not interested in performative ethnography (I’m not really interested in ethnography at all as an academic discipline), but the anecdote with which Madison begins the essay—a student complaining about the prescriptiveness of the readings in one of her  graduate courses—caught my attention. She wonders if there is some truth in his accusation; perhaps she “was overemphasizing theory and politics at the expense of sound methodological practice” (391). On the other hand, she found the student’s complaint hard to understand,  she writes, “because it has always been impossible for me to separate theory from method. How can there be such a thing as critical methods without critical theory or politics and political theory? Can’t we embrace theory and politics in the field and work for social justice—out of which our methods are generated—without being accused of ‘telling people what to do’?” (391).  That student’s objection reminded her of something two Afro-Peruvian human rights activists had told her a few weeks before: academics typically come to Peru to research folklore rather than the way that “‘beads, songs, myths, and weaving’” are connected to the material conditions of their lives (391-92). “The student equated a critical theory approach to methodology as ‘telling people what to do’; the Peruvian activists equated a lack of political and critical consciousness in the field as ‘folklore encounters’ that ignored material suffering,” she continues. “What critical, performance ethnography hopes to bridge is the frustration and feelings of lack in both these positions: the poetics of a space AND its politics as well as its politics and its poetics” (392). (I find the use of chiasmus in that sentence hard to understand; it seems to be merely repetitive rather than expressive or explanatory.) “Haven’t we learned by now that expressive and cultural traditions always occur within the machinations of power that encompass them?” she asks (392).

“Critical performance ethnography is animated by the dynamics interacting between power, politics, and poetics,” Madison continues, and the purpose of this chapter is to examine “these dynamics within the oral narrative performances of local human rights activists in Ghana, West Africa, who are working for the rights of women and girls against tradtional cultural practices that impede their freedom and well-being” (392). So Madison, unlike Dwight Conquergood, does not do performance ethnography herself; instead, she is interested in the way that these performances provide “a bridge and opportunity for readers to listen to ‘indigenous’ activists telling us (and each other) what they do” (393). The stories those activists tell, she writes, “serve as examples of critical performance ethnography because the narrators poetically narrate their own indigenous and critical methodologies based on the politics of their performative interventions in defending the human rights of Others” (393). Or does Madison engage in performance ethnography herself as well? “I interpret the in-depth interview with each rights activist through a performance lens to capture the complexity and multilayered dimensions reflected in the expressiveness of the human voice and body in the act of telling as well as the immediate environment or scene—ripe with influence and meaning—of the telling,” she writes (393). So her practice reproduces the performances of those activists? It’s not clear; she describes what she does as “poetic transcription,” which might be a way of presenting the interviews she conducts, or might be a way of describing a performance. At the same time, she tells us that this chapter will present two stories told by Ghanaian activists, and that “[t]hroughout the narratives, I weave my own commentary and observations to illuminate the implications of their words and experience” (393). That sounds less like performance ethnography and more like, well, ethnography without the performance.

That approach—the weaving of the voices of the researcher and the research participants—has been criticized “by numerous observers and practitioners of qualitative research,” including herself (393). Those critiques argue that “[t]he researcher’s analysis is an intrusion where the subject’s narrative is often silenced” and upstaged; that the researcher’s analysis is an “idiosyncratic interpretation” that “distorts the interpretive report and expressions of the narrator”; that the researcher’s analysis “promotes theoretical jargon that renders the narrative analysis itself”—the words of the informant or participant, I think—“ineffectual at best and silly at worst”; and, as description, the researcher’s analysis is redundant and repetitive (393-94). 

Although Madison “often” agrees with those criticisms, she writes, “I also believe a delicate balance of analysis can open deeper engagement with the narrative text and unravel contexts and connections within the undercurrents of the narrative universe, without the researcher acting as a psychoanalyst, clairvoyant, or prophet” (394). In including her own commentary, her goals are 

to attend to the narration—as one is compelled to attend to or interpret the significance of any object or text rich with meanings, history, value, and possibility—by entering selected moments of subtext and implicit moments of signification so that we may engage the depth of inferences, the overreaching consequences, and the politically valuable import in order that we as readers may be offered an additional realization of the narrative and the narrator. (394)

When researchers include their own commentary, she continues, their analysis “serves as a magnifying lens to enlarge and amplify the small details and the taken-for granted,” the “meanings and implications below the surface that need to be excavated, contemplated, and engaged; their analysis “serves to clarify and honour the significance of the ‘telling and the told,’ citing Pollock; their analysis recognized that the interview “is a substantive event—a surrounding scene of signification and its objects—a gestalt where the immediate telling becomes a richly descriptive environment of symbolic worth,” and “where the immediacy of the telling environment frames and relates to its content or is told,” and so the analysis enables the interview to become “an eventful enactment of witnessing, testimony, and dialogue”; the researcher’s analysis uses theory “to unlock the multiple truths embedded below the surface”; and the researcher’s analysis “serves to emphasize, reiterate, and make apparent the beauty and poignancy of the description” by embracing “the emotions and sensuality of what is being described and how it is being described—the telling and the told—to illuminate the textures, smells, sounds, tastes, and signts being rendered within the content of the told and within the form of the telling” (394-95). 

“Performance ethnography demands a felt-sensing experience—emotions and sensuality—that employs lyrical, poetic, or performative language to wisely embellish the existential gestalt of the interview event, making it more present before us, with heart and beauty,” Madison continues. “The subaltern does speak, always, and we must listen with more radical intent. These subaltern knowledges are sometimes hidden away in locations that are at times hard for us to reach as they speak the philosophies, logics, and approaches of their life worlds and in their own languages” (395). That is the reason why ethnographers “call upon our local advisers in the field to help us try to comprehend. We listen so we can be of use to them—a messenger and an interpreter to make what they say and do known to other Others” (395). 

In her discussion of the interviews Madison conducted, she presents the participants words in lines, like poetry, so that clarifies what she means by “poetic transcription” (393). She also alternates between that transcription and her own analysis of it, as she promised she would.   I am skipping over the evidence of her practice, even after complaining about discussions of methodology that are not grounded in examples of practice, and I am aware of that; however, I am also aware of the need to get through this essay, and this book, and move on to the next thing that has to be read. In any case, after those interviews, she writes about the harm religious practices do to women, but also something she believes “is equaly, if not more, unjust and life threatening, but certainly more convoluted and disguised”: “the injustice of the location of poverty,” a term she describes in a footnote as “a supplement to the notion of a ‘location of culture’” (402, 405). So she is attempting to do what the Peruvian activists said needed to be done: she is connecting the gender-based injustices of religious traditions to the lived experiences of poverty, colonialism, and a contemporary “political economy that breeds poverty and that sets a climate for human rights offenses” (403). 

Madison concludes with what she calls a “Wish List”: she hopes that “we learn critical theory thoughtfully, rigorously, and purposefully for the politically charged objective of clarifying unproductive confusion and precisely naming what could otherwise be dangerously imprecise”; she hopes that “[w]e resist theoretical feudalism by not assigning the power of interpretation exclusively to a few lords of knowledge,” a form of theorizing that is “undemocratic,” and which produces “repetitive clichés”; she hopes that “[w]e do not speak for Others when we can listen while Others speak”; she hopes “[w]e do not, not speak while only humbly listening to the Other speak,” because “[l]istening does not mean NOT speaking,” but rather “paying attention to when it is the right time to speak”; and, finally, she hopes that “[w]e practice at home what we preach on paper and in the field,” that “[w]e work to become more generous with each other within the academy as we work for a politics of global generosity,” and that academic generosity becomes as important as academic freedom (404). 

Because I’ll be talking to other people as I walk, there are aspects of Madison’s discussion that are helpful to my project, and I’m glad I decided not to skip past her essay. I wonder what I’ve missed in the essays in this anthology that I didn’t read. But, that said, I decided not to bother with the final essay in this section, which discusses postcolonial readings of visual culture. Time is short, my exams are coming quickly, and I’ve been reading this book for more than two weeks. I need to get on to something else.

Works Cited

Ahmed, Sara. Queer Phenomenology: Orientations, Objects, Others. Duke UP, 2006.

Denzin, Norman K., Yvonna S. Lincoln, and Linda Tuhiwai Smith, eds. Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies, Sage, 2008.

109. Stephanie Springgay and Sarah E. Truman, Walking Methodologies in a More-than-Human World: WalkingLab

walkinglab cover.jpg

Published as part of a series on research methods in the social sciences, Walking Methodologies in a More-than-Human World: WalkingLab still has something to offer for those of us who walk as an artistic practice. However, it’s not an easy read, particularly if, like me, you’ve never read A Thousand Plateaux, know little about assemblage theory or affect theory or other theories that come out of the work of Deleuze and Guattari. Those ideas were circulating at the recent Walking’s New Movements conference at the University of Plymouth, and I intend to give myself a crash course on them once my comprehensive examinations are over. Still, my sense is that Springgay and Truman expect their readers to have a certain philosophical or theoretical background, and they aren’t interested in slowing down for those of us who haven’t read what they’ve read. My strategy throughout my reading of this text has been to find the articles they refer to, which I’ll read (eventually) as part of an attempt to understand what Springgay and Truman are arguing. But it’s possible that even all of that additional reading won’t be sufficient. I’m just not part of their intended audience. So this has been a frustrating read.

Given the text’s difficulty, I began with the foreword, by Patricia Ticineto Clough, a sociologist, and Bibi Calderaro, an artist, which starts by suggesting that Springgay and Truman “have a curiosity typical of walkers on a walk. But they do not rest where others might. Where others stop, curiosity moves them on; at every turn they refuse taken-for-granted understandings of land, people, movement and memory” (xii). Springgay and Truman also interrogate the “privileges of race, class, gender, sexuality, region and ableism” as they “turn their attention, and ours, to what is often beneath what has become normalized” (xii). “Definitions, frameworks, and the use of categories become objects of critical reflection as their walking becomes a performative writing of fresh conceptualization,” Clough and Calderaro continue (xii). “On their walks, and in their mode of ‘walking-with,’ Springgay and Truman seek the collaboration of Indigenous, queer, trans, women, people of color and differently abled walkers,” they write, and in this book the authors “share these collaborations of walking/writing/conceptualizing and draw on embodiment, place, sensory inquiry, and rhythm, four major concepts that shape what has already been dubbed ‘the new walking studies,’” offering “a timely and important contribution through the expanded concepts of Land and geos, affect, transmateriality, and movement” (xii). Their reflections on method “provide strategies for turning process of collecting data to experimentation that will greatly enrich qualitative research including walking methodologies” (xii).

According to Clough and Calderaro, “Springgay and Truman offer a critical account of the way the new materialisms, posthumanisms and speculative realisms can inform methods of walking,” approaches that have already “instigated a lively debate in the social sciences about knowledge production, about the subject and object of knowledge” (xii). Springgay and Truman “follow the current ontological turn deconstructing human privilege, not only inviting a reconsideration of the relationship of subject and object, but the organic and the nonorganic as well” (xii). In their idea of walking-with, “foot touches matter but matter touches foot as breeze touches skin; the world displays sensibilities other than our own, prior to consciousness, even to bodily-based perception. There is a sense, if not recognition, of the vibrancy of matter, of a worldly sensibility, of the force of the world’s casual efficacy” (xii-xiii). I am hearing in this echoes of Phil Smith’s discussion of object-oriented ontology in his book on site-specific theatre and performance, and these ideas are worth further exploration. In fact, this aspect of “walking-with” is probably more central to the model of walking Springgay and Truman advance in this book.

For Springgay and Truman, the more-than-human “points to the ethical and political relevancy of walking-with to feel/think or surface the intensities of the entanglements of knower and world,” Clough and Calderaro continue. “Becoming accountable to the more-than-human also involves taking account of the erasures of other knowledges and methods, erasures which, in part, have enabled thinking about the more-than-human as only a recent turn in thought” (xiii). “Walking-with becomes a movement of thought not only with others, but a process of engaging with erased or disavowed histories,” they write. “It is also a moving re-engagement with the ways that the earth and the elements have been understood, protected, feared and treasured” (xiii). The notion of walking-with should be understood as way of thinking “about experience differently, to experience differently, and to experience difference in experiencing” (xiii). The ontological shift encouraged by the idea of walking-with “requires a recognition of an alterity  within the self, an indeterminacy prior to consciousness and even bodily based perception—that is, the nonexperienced or inhuman condition of all experience” (xiii). Recognizing the inhuman within the self is “an opening to all that has been defined as other than human, nonhuman, or inhuman. Walking-with invites a sense of multiplicities in a queering of being and time, a nonexperienced time at all scales of being that affords infinite variation and multiplicities of space” (xiii). For Clough and Calderaro, “[t]he falling of the foot, and the catching-up of the body moving along with the world, allows for the rhythmicity of a multitude of indeterminate beings diffracted through different spacetimes. But because every moment conceals the bifurcation by which anything can take a conflictive turn, utmost care must be taken to move in an affirmative register” (xiii). I’m not quite sure what those last sentences mean, except that all of this is making tremendously large claims about walking.

Walking-with, Clough and Calderaro continue, “is an important methodology for thinking ethically and politically,” although it “is best practiced with a method that betrays any strict adherence to method” (xiii). This book, they write asks questions about what knowledge is, how it emerges and how, how it becomes “settled, sedimented into racial, gendered, classed particulars, the stuff regularly called the social, the political, the economic” (xiv). It’s a book about walking and thinking together, and is best approached that way. Unfortunately, I first read it on a plane, crammed into a tiny seat in economy class, but I hope I was able to get something from it nonetheless. Maybe I didn’t. In any case, Clough and Calderaro are making big claims about this book, and part of the goal of this summary is to determine whether those claims hold up under scrutiny. I can say that the notion of walking-with is gaining traction; several of the papers at the recent Walking’s New Movements conference at the University of Plymouth referred to this idea, and I am interested in learning more about it.

In their introduction, Springgay and Truman discuss how the book came out of a “walk-with Micalong Creek” in New South Wales, Australia. Drawing on the work of Isabelle Stengers, during that walk they wondered about what it might mean to think “‘in the presence of others” (1). “For Stengers, to think ‘in the presence of others’ creates a space for hesitation and resistance that produces new modes of relating,” they write (1). It is a form of thinking that is collective, unpredictable, and open to possibility (1). Its “presentness must include a ‘geo-centred dimension,’ which requires we consider different scales than those that are human-centred” (1). It is a kind of slow thinking in which “in the event of relation, ethics and politics become situated, indeterminate, and artful,” as well as (citing Donna Haraway) accountable (1). The research project that came out of this and other “walk-withs” is WalkingLab, and this book reflects on the collaborations that WalkingLab has generated.

The introductory chapter, Springgay and Truman write, “situates the book in two methodological areas in qualitative research: i) walking methodologies in the humanities and social science; ii) qualitative methodologies that are informed by new materialisms and posthumanisms, and which are called by different names including non-representational methodologies and post-qualitative methodologies,” which they call “more-than-human methodologies” (2). In their empirical research, they bring more-than-human methodologies to bear on walking research (2). The first section of the introduction summarizes “the impact of walking methodologies on qualitative research,” focusing on four major concepts: place, sensory inquiry, embodiment, and rhythm (2). “These concepts . . . mark significant contributions to social science and humanities research in that they foreground the importance of the material body in disciplines that have traditionally privileged discursive analysis,” they write. “Building on the important walk that has been done in walking research, we offer our expanded concepts that are accountable to an ethics and politics of the more-than-human: Land and geos, affect, transmaterial, and movement,” concepts they “activate in each of the remaining chapters” (2). (Bold, italicized text is in the original.)

The book, the authors continue, “interrogates the more-than-human turn in qualitative methodologies” by making “new materialist methodologies and walking research accountable to critical race, feminist, Indigenous, trans, queer, critical disability, and environmental humanities scholarship” (3). They note that Indigenous scholars “have interrogated the more-than-human turn, arguing that it continues to erase Indigenous knowledges that have always attended to nonhuman animacy,” and that “[q]ueer, trans, disability, and critical race scholars argue that while a de-centering of the human is necessary, we need to question whose concept of humanity more-than-human theories are trying to move beyond” (3). 

Next, Springgay and Truman briefly summarize the four themes—pace, sensory inquiry, embodiment, and rhythm—they found in walking research. Place, they write, is understood in this research 

as a specific location and as a process or an event. Walking scholars discuss the ways that walking is attuned to place, how place-making is produced by walking, and the ways that walking connects, bodies, environment, and the sensory surrounds of place. Walking becomes a way of inhabiting place through the lived experience of movement. Walking is a way of becoming responsive to place; it activates modes of participation that are situated and relational. (4)

I’ve written about this notion of walking as place-making, and although I may not have read everything Springgay and Truman have on the subject, I think it’s very complicated, and that space and place end up being folded together (in a Deleuzian sense) through walking. Second, walking is an important way of conducting sensory inquiry, they write:

If, as walking researchers contend, walking is a way of being in place, then walking enables researchers and research participants to tune into their sensory experiences. Walking researchers interested in sensory inquiry sometimes isolate a sense on a walk—for example, a soundwalk—or they consider the ways that the walking body is immersed in a sensory experience of place, such as the texture of feet touching the ground, air brushing against the cheeks, or the smells of city streets. (4)

I think this is true, although it’s possible as well that other ways of experiencing an environment might generate similar sensory experiences, including, potentially, just sitting in a place. Third, “[w]alking methodologies privilege an embodied way of knowing where movement connects mind, body, and environment,” they continue:

Walking scholars typically describe embodiment as relational, social, and convivial. Embodiment is conventionally understood through phenomenology, where researchers and participants examine the lived experiences of what it means to move in a particular place. This experiential understanding either focuses on an individual account of a walking, or is conceptualized through community-based or group walking practices that highlight the social aspects of walking. (4-5)

I’m glad that Springgay and Truman note that individual practices are embodied as well, since not all walking is “relational, social, and convivial.” Finally, they note that “[t]he pace and tempo of walking is another theme that emerges in walking research”:

Here, researchers are interested in the flows of everyday life, pedestrian movements in a city, or the topological features of walking in a landscape. Rhythm is described through embodied accounts of moving and sensory expressions of feet, limbs, and breath. In other instances, rhythm pertains to the pulse of the city, such as traffic, crowds, music, and other environmental phenomena that press on a walker. (5)

As I read these summaries, I found myself wishing that Springgay and Truman had referred to specific examples of texts that explore these four research themes. However, that’s what happens in the actual chapters where these themes are discussed.

Next, the authors suggest that this book extends these themes “through more-than-human theories that are accountable to critical race, feminist, Indigenous, trans, queer, and critical disability theories” (5). They propose four additional concepts: Land and geos, affect, transmaterial, and movement (5). “We use these concepts to think frictionally with WalkingLab research-creation events,” they write, noting that friction “is a force that acts in the opposite direction to movement,” slowing it and introducing resistance to it (5). “Friction exists every time bodies come into contact with each other,” they suggest, citing Jasbir Puar’s argument that when two theoretical frameworks (in his case, assemblage theory and intersectionality) converge, that coming together “is neither reconcilable nor oppositional, but frictional” and that the concepts are held together in tension (5).

By Land and geos (the capitalization of Land is not explained, but it might come from the late Greg Young-Ing’s Indigenous style guide, a book that’s gone missing since I had to move out of my office this past summer and which I’m going to have to replace, so I can’t check to make sure), Springgay and Truman suggest that “[m]ore-than-human walking methodologies must take account of the ways that place-based research is entrenched in ongoing settler colonization” (5). For that reason, “place in walking research needs to attend to Indigenous theories that centre Land, and posthuman understands of the geologic that insist on a different ethical relationship to geology, where human and nonhuman are imbricated and entwined” (5). I understand the first suggestion, but not the second; perhaps all will be revealed as I continue reading. Both of these concepts “disrupt humancentrism,” they continue (5).

Second, affect theory, “attends to the intensities and forces of an affecting and affected body,” needs to be considered along with more-than-human methodologies (5). There’s a caveat, however: “because there is a tendency to ascribe affect to pre-personal sensations, some uses and theorizing of affect can consequently erase identity. In contrast, ‘affecting subjectivities’ brings intersectional theories to bear on affect theories, emphasizing the ways that subjectivity is produced as intensive flows and assemblages between bodies” (5-6). Several papers at Walking’s New Movements focused on affect theory, but I have yet to discover (or put together) a coherent list of readings on this subject. Perhaps this book will help with that task.

Third, transmateriality, or “trans theories, which rupture heteronormative teleological understandings of movement and reproduction, disrupt the notion of an embodied, coherent self” (6). I thought that notion had been disrupted many times, going back to the Greeks and their notion of a division between reason and passion, or Freud’s three-part conception of the psyche—even though our lived experience of ourselves tends to suggest we are coherent to some extent (in my experience, anyway). “Trans theories emphasize viral, tentacular, and transversal conceptualizations of different,” Springgay and Truman continue (6). (Why “different” instead of “difference”?) Again, references here would have been useful, although they do emerge later in the book.

Finally, “[m]ovement, as it is conventionally understood in relation to walking, suggests directionality” (6). However, the movement theories used in this book “understand movement as inherent in all matter, endlessly differentiating. Movement as force and vibration resist capture” (6). Such an understanding of movement “is determinate, dynamic, and immanent and intimately entangled with transmaterial theories and practices” (6). Once again, references to these movement theories would have been useful, although they may appear later on. 

“In addition, there are particular inheritances that proliferate in walking research,” such as the notion that walking is “inherently radical, and a tactic to subvert urban space,” an idea which “often ignores race, gender, and disability” (6). “Figures like the flâneur and the practices of the dérive become common tropes, often assuming that all bodies move through space equally,” they continue (6). These ideas will be analyzed in detail later on—but of course, they have been analyzed before, particularly by Phil Smith (who is not included in the book’s list of references) and by Deidre Heddon and Cathy Turner (who are included). As it turns out, the analysis Springgay and Truman present is significantly different from those of Smith or Heddon and Turner, and it may be blind to parts of their own walking practice, as they describe it.

Next, in “Accountability and more-than-human ethics: walking queerly,” Springgay and Truman situate the book “within new materialist and posthumanist methodological approaches to qualitative research” (6). Those theoretical frameworks are used to “enact” their “four concepts of Land and geos, affect, transmaterial, and movement” (6). They begin with the phrase “walking queerly” (6). “A key concept that has gained momentum in qualitative methodologies is Karen Barad’s ‘intra-action,’” they write, an idea that suggests that the world “is composed of intra-acting phenomena which ‘are the ontological inseparability of agentially intra-acting components,’ meaning that they become determinant, material, and meaningful through relations,” although I’m not clear why the word Barad uses is “intra-action,” which suggests an interior relationship, rather than “interaction,” which suggests external relationships; I suppose I will have to read Barad’s text to understand (6). “Objects do not exist as discrete entities that come together through interactions but are produced through entanglement,” Springgay and Truman suggest (6). However, “such an ontological view privileges relations,” and so “a materialist ontology recognizes the interconnections of all phenomena where matter is indeterminate, constantly forming and reforming” (6-7). They cite a later text by Barad which suggests that “ethics then is not concerned with how we interact with the world as separate entities,” but rather “‘about taking account of the entangled materializations of which we are a part, including new configurations, new subjectivities, new possibilities’” (Barad, qtd. 7). “The consequences of this ethico-onto-epistemology for qualitative methodologies and walking research are significant, as it challenges individualism and humanist notions of intentionality, destabilizes conventional notions of space as a void, and directs our attention to the highly distributed nature of collectivity and relationality,” Springgay and Truman write (7). I’m not sure what “the highly distributed nature of collectivity and relationality” means, though; perhaps I would have to read Barad to get the point? Probably.

“If ontology and ethics, or being and acting, are always relational,” they continue, “then ethics shifts from a responsibility to act on the world in a particular moral way ‘to on-going precariously located practices, in which “we” are never categorically separate entities, but differentially implicated in the matters “we” engage with’” (Katrin Thiele, qtd. 7). Moreover, “if ‘we’ are intra-actively entangled in worlding, then there will never be a final solution or outcome, rather new matterings will emerge for our entangled intra-actions,” and accountability “shifts from being responsible for, to a response-ability-with” (7). Such an ethics consists of entanglements, “‘enfolded traces’ and an indebtedness of an irreducible other,’” they write, quoting Karen Barad again (7). Barad was mentioned in several of the papers presented at Walking’s New Movements, and Phil Smith mentions her in his writing, so her work seems to be part of the current discourse on walking and therefore important to read. At the same time, I saw a joke about the word “entanglement” on Facebook the other day, which might suggest that Barad’s ideas have become dominant in certain sectors of the academy, or even that people are tired of hearing about them.

According to Springgay and Truman, “[p]art of this accountability is in the use of queer theory to rupture the normalizing inheritances of walking research” (7). They suggest that while “self-identification as ‘queer’ has a place in queer theory,” “thinking beyond subject identification and with a queer relationality opens up new possibilities for understanding space and time” (7). Sara Ahmed’s work on queer phenomenology uses “queer” in a similar way, which I’m tempted to think of as a metaphor, although not to rethink space and time, as I recall. Springgay and Truman cite Jack Halberstam’s contention that “queer time” is “time outside normative temporal frames of inheritance and reproduction,” and that “queer space” involves “new understandings of space enabled by the ‘production of queer counter-publics’” (7). But those ideas speak to an notion of queer framed by sexuality, rather than one “beyond subject identification.” Springgay and Truman also refer to Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick’s notion of “queer performativity”; Donna Haraway’s suggestion that “queering” can undo the distinction between human and nonhuman; and the suggestion by Dana Luciano and Mel Chen that the queer or trans body generates other possibilities for living, including “‘multiple, cyborgian, spectral, transcorporeal, transmaterial’” possibilities (7-8). I’m a pretty down-to-earth person, though, and I’m not sure that spectral or transcorporeal or transmaterial possibilities for living actually exist—not without examples or evidence—and I’m uncomfortable, as a straight, cisgendered man, in simply adopting “queer” without actually being queer. Springgay and Truman discuss that second issue: “while many qualitative researchers in the social sciences and humanities often take up the word queer to describe letting go of traditional research boundaries . . . and utilize ‘queer’ as methodology, we need to account for the subjectivities that don’t enjoy the benefit of sliding in and out of being conveniently queer” (8). I’m not sure how to account for those subjectivities in my work or what doing so might look like, and there are no suggestions on offer here. Nor is it clear to me what it would mean, in practice, to “walk queerly,” as the section’s title suggests. Perhaps, again, this will become clear as the book continues.

In the introduction’s next section, “Unsettling the ‘ontological turn,’” Springgay and Truman suggest that the concept of the more-than-human “emerges at time in scholarly debates that seek to challenge and and de-centre human exceptionalism, taxonomies of intelligence and animacy, and the distinctions between humans and nonhumans, nature and culture” (8). They cite a number of authors on the political effects of the distinction between the human and the nonhuman, including Luciano and Chen (oh, how I hate the APA’s predilection for ignoring the given names of authors), who “posit the inhuman as a method of thinking otherwise,” and Jeffrey Cohen’s suggestion that, as a concept, the inhuman “emphasizes both difference and intimacy” (9). Karen Barad contends that “terms like human and nonhuman can’t be established as polar ends and as givens,” but rather the point ought to be “‘to understand the materializing effects of particular ways of drawing boundaries between “humans” and “non humans”’” (qtd. 9). Jin Haritaworn suggests that “the question of the inhuman is risky and requires anti-colonial methodologies that would in turn be aligned with Indigenous sovereignty” (9)—indeed, I’m finding myself wondering why, in these discussions of animacy, the grammar of Algonquian languages like Plains Cree doesn’t get mentioned. Haritaworn’s argument, Springgay and Truman continue, leads to Zoe Todd’s suggestion that the “ontological turn” is a form of colonization. According to Todd, “non-Indigenous scholars’ realization that [nonhuman] entities ‘are sentient and possess agency, that “nature” and “culture,” “human” and “animal” may not be so separate after all—is itself perpetuating the exploitation of Indigenous peoples’” (qtd. 9). I don’t quite understand this idea, and I suppose I would have to read Todd’s article to understand her point. Apparently, though, Todd is arguing that Indigenous epistemologies and ontologies are “‘legal orders through which Indigenous peoples throughout the world are fighting for self-determination, sovereignty’” (qtd. 9), and that, as Springgay and Truman suggest, “ontological discussions of matter must take into consideration not only Indigenous world-views but material legal struggles over matter and sovereignty” (9). 

Springgay and Truman summarize other critiques of notions of “posthuman” theorizing and suggest that 

[a]s more-than-human methodologies gain momentum in re-conceptualizing qualitative methodologies in the social sciences and humanities its fault lies in broad definitions. While consideration is given to all forms of matter and the intra-relatedness of entangled ethics, its politics is often consumed in a rhetoric of undoing dualisms where “everything matters” and thus becomes flattened. (10)

They also suggest that “[q]uestions about the politics of new materialism are typically elided” as well because “there is a tendency to think that arguments about matter as dynamic, self-organizing, and intensive are political in and of themselves,” and thinking that “politics is everywhere” ends up meaning that politics disappears (10). They cite feminist geographer Juanita Sundberg, who argues that “posthumanist scholarship in its attempt to critique dualisms actually works to ‘uphold Eurocentric knowledge’” because those attempts are silent about their own locations (qtd. 11). All of them? Really? Again, I’ll have to read Sundberg to understand.

Interestingly, though, Sundberg apparently “offers walking as a strategy for decolonizing research,” although her examples are Indigenous rather than Settler walking (11). In fact, it’s Sundberg who apparently came up with the term “walking-with,” borrowing it from the Zapatista movement (11). “Walking-with,” Sundberg states, “entails ‘serious engagement with Indigenous epistemologies, ontologies, and methodologies’” (11). Walking-with should not be misunderstood as “conviviality and sociality, or the idea that one needs to walk with a group of people. You could walk-with alone” (11). Springgay and Truman write that their “conceptualization and practice of walking-with” is situated alongside Sundberg and “the walkers she works with,” and also that they are “indebted to the rich feminist work on citational practices” (I’m not sure what “citational practices” means in this context) and Alecia Jackson’s and Lisa Mazzei’s “thinking-with theory” (11). They write:

Walking-with is explicit about political positions and situated knowledges, which reveal our entanglements with settler colonization and neoliberalism. Walking-with is accountable. Walking-with is a form of solidarity, unlearning, and critical engagement with situated knowledges. Walking-with demands that we forgo universal claims about how humans and nonhumans experience walking, and consider more-than-human ethics and politics of the material intra-actions of walking research. (11)

In other words, despite the various caveats and critiques they have offered about their theoretical perspectives, their practice of walking-with is nonetheless rooted in those perspectives, and in order to seriously engage with their notion of “walking-with,” one would have to read that body of theoretical material. The work of reading and learning, it seems, is endless.

The introduction concludes with summaries of the chapters to come, which I’m including here in hopes of understanding what’s coming. “In Chapter 1 we walk-with Indigenous theories of Land and critical place inquire; posthuman theories of the geological that disrupt taxonomies of what is lively and what is inert; and a posthuman critique of landscape urbanism,” they write, noting that their central example is the “WalkingLab research-creation event Stone Walks on the Bruce Trail: Queering the Trail (12). The second chapter “examines a number of WalkingLab walking projects through sensory, haptic, or affect theories,” using Stefano Harney’s and Fred Moten’s “use of hapticality to think about how walking constitutes a politics-in-movement” (12). The second chapter also discusses affect theory in relation to the politics of walking. The third chapter “examine a sonic walk called Walking to the Laundromat by Bek Conroy, in order to develop a theory of transmateriality” (12). That sonic walk “probes bodily, affective, and gendered labour including domestic labour, money laundering, and the proliferation of new age self-help audio books to question how some bodies are perceived as disposable in order for other bodies to thrive” (12). They critique the notion of the flâneur, and “introduce Stacy Alaimo’s important concept ‘transcorporeality,’ which takes into consideration the material and discursive entanglements between human and nonhuman entities,” along with “a number of trans theories,” including work by Karen Barad, which “complicate walking as embodied and emplaced in order to disassemble and disturb taxonomies, and confound the notion of an embodied, coherent self” (12). 

The fourth chapter looks at notions of walking as participatory or inclusionary and therefore convivial by critiquing “how participation has been framed through inclusionary logics and as rehabilitation,” looking at two walking projects to do so: Ring of Fire, a “mass procession for the opening of the Parapan Am games by Trinidadian artist Marlon Griffin and the Art Gallery of York University,” and “The Warren Run, a group orienteering event by Matt Prest commissioned by WalkingLab” (13). “Following these crucial critiques of participation as inclusion, we ask questions about how we might think differently about participation drawing on theories of movement,” particularly those of Erin Manning, “to argue that participation begins before the invitation of inclusion commences” (13). They also look at Carmen Papalia’s project White Cane Amplified in that chapter as well. Chapter 5, they write, 

responds to agitations that are occurring in qualitative research, particularly issues related to: the incompatibility between new empiricist methodologies and phenomenological uses of methods; the preponderance of methodocentrism; the pre-supposition of methods; a reliance of data modeled on knowability and visibility; the ongoing emplacement of settler futurity; and the dilemma of representation. (13)

“These agitations have provoked some scholars to suggest that we can do away with method,” they note, but their position is “that methods need to be generated speculatively and in the middle of research, and further that particular (in)tensions need to be immanent to whatever method is used” (13). They use a variety of WalkingLab projects as examples in that chapter. 

The sixth chapter examines walking and mapping and the fact that “the prevailing history of mapping is entrenched in imperial and colonial powers who use and create maps to exploit natural resources, claim land, and to legitimize borders” (13), reasons I will be avoiding mapping in my current walking project. However, in this chapter Springgay and Truman look at forms of “counter-cartography” in WalkingLab projects in which “re-mapping offers possibilities of conceptualizing space that is regional and relational, as opposed to state sanctioned and static,” and how “walking can re-map archives and disrupt linear conceptualizations of time” by paying attention to how “walking as ‘anarchiving’ attends to the undocumented, affective, and fragmented compositions that tell stories about a past that is not past but is the present and imagined future” (14). “As counter cartographies and anarchiving practices the walking projects disrupt dominant narratives of place and futurity, re-mapping Land ‘returning it to the landless,’” they write (14), although that return is probably metaphorical, I would imagine, rather than literal. I don’t understand the word “futurity,” particularly in this context, unless the reference is to settler futurity, but perhaps that becomes clear in that chapter. 

Chapter 7 moves away from standard conceptions of walking in education to present “two examples of walking-with research in school contexts” (14). Those examples “offer the potential for students to critically interrogate humanist assumptions regarding landscape and literacy” (14). In that chapter, Springgay and Truman “examine the complex ways that students can engage in walking-with as a method of inquiry into their world-making” (14). The eighth chapter “functions as a speculative conclusion or summary” and “is enacted in a series of walking-writing propositions that respond to questions concerning the relationship between walking and writing, and our collaborative process” (14). “Propositions,” they continue, “are different from methods in that they are speculative and event oriented”; they are “not intended as a set of directions, or rules that contain and control movement, but as prompts for further experimentation and thought” (14). The chapter “unfolds through a series of walks that we invite the reader to take: differentiation walks, surface walks, activation devices, ‘with,’ touch, and contours,” and they once again cite Karen Barad’s contention that ethics “is ‘about responsibility for the lively relationalities of becoming of which we are a part” (qtd. 14). “As a research methodology walking has a diverse and extensive history in the social sciences and humanities, underscoring its value for conducting research that is situational, relational, and material,” they conclude:

Yet, as we argue throughout the book, walking is never neutral. In a time of global crisis—emboldened White supremacy—it is crucial that we cease celebrating the White male flâneur, who strolls leisurely through the city, as the quintessence of what it means to walk. Instead, we must queer walking, destabilizing humanism’s structuring of human and nonhuman, nature and culture. (14)

Again, I find myself wondering what such “queer walking” would look like in practice, and whether it would be open to those who do not identify as “queer.” Finally, Springgay and Truman suggest that walking is a slow methodology: “Slowness is a process of unlearning and unsettling what has come before,” they write. “In approaching walking methodologies from the perspective of slow, we intend to critically interrogate the many inheritances of walking, to agitate, and to arouse different ethical and political concerns” (15). I’ve been told that Settlers walking is inevitably colonial because walking is slow, so I’m interested to read about slow methodologies. It’s always frustrating when a summary is longer than the original text, as is the case here, but Springgay and Truman introduce a tremendous amount of theoretical material in their introduction, and I have struggled to follow along; the length of this summary (so far) is a sign of that struggle.

The first chapter begins with a description of the geology and history of the Niagara Escarpment in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada, the site of Stone Walks on the Bruce Trail: Queering the Trail, the WalkingLab event through which this chapter “is activated” (16). That event “sought ways to disrupt the typical uses of the trails in order to think about walking-with place through geologic forces and animacies, and in relation to Indigenous Land-centred knowledges,” they write. “As White settlers, we write about place informed by our conversations and readings-with Indigenous scholars and artists” (16). (Springgay and Truman use hyphens to attach the suffix “with” to many different words: “walking-with,” “thinking-with,” and now “readings-with.”) They note how place is central to walking research but point out that Eve Tuck and Marcia McKenzie “argue place-based learning and research is entrenched in settler colonial histories and ongoing practices and have not sufficiently attended to Indigenous understandings of Land” (17). I have Tuck’s and McKenzie’s book and it’s on my reading list; it’s time to turn to it, I think. Stone Walks on the Bruce Trail: Queering the Trail “sought to unsettler settler logics of place by thinking-with i) geo-theories; ii) Indigenous theories of Land; and iii) posthuman critiques of landscape urbanism” (17). These theoretical orientations are not analogous, but rather “we frictionally rub them together to think a different ethics-of-place” (17). Stone Walks on the Bruce Trail: Queering the Trail was nothing if not ambitious, and I’m always suspicious that such ambitions are difficult to realize.

Springgay and Truman reject “[d]ominant sustainability discourses” which “assume that knowledge of, and preservation through, technological fixes will control the ecological crises” (17). Instead, citing Stacy Alaimo, who argues that “‘the epistemological stance of sustainability, as it is linked to systems management and technological fixes, presents rather a comforting, conventional sense that the problem is out there, distinct from oneself’” (qtd. 17), they suggest that those dominant sustainability discourses turn walkers into spectators who “are external to wider transcorporeal relations including an entanglement with the geosocial and Indigenous Land” (17). (I’m not sure what the neologism “geosocial” means.) “Our research-creation event, Stone Walks on the Bruce Trail: Queering the Trail aimed to queer and rupture walking-with place,” they write (17).

Next, Springgay and Truman look at conventional distinctions between space and place, using Tim Ingold (the specific text they refer to is one I haven’t read) and Doreen Massey to critique those distinctions. However, they note that “[p]lace, much like embodiment, figures in almost all walking research regardless of the discipline and is a fundamental part of walking research” (18). Place is understood (not exclusively) through five threads: “the go-along or walking interview,” “pedestrianism,” “walking tours and ethnographic research,” “mapping practices,” and “landscape and nature” (18). Walking interviews, they suggest, citing Evans and Jones (again, I shudder at the way that APA format turns individual writers expressing ideas into oracular authorities), “‘produce more spontaneous data as elements of the surrounding environment prompt discussion of place’” (qtd 19). I’m planning to incorporate walking interviews into my work as a way of moving beyond a solo walking practice, and so I ought to read Evans and Jones along with the other writers Springgay and Truman cite on this subject. (The amount of reading I have yet to do feels overwhelming; sometimes, despite all the work I’ve done preparing for my comprehensive examinations, I feel that I have hardly begun.) 

What Springgay and Truman are actually talking about here, I think, in their discussion of these “threads” are forms of qualitative social science research that involve walking. For instance, pedestrianism includes “walking as a means of questioning and examining everyday practices and places,” they write (20). Walking tours and ethnographies have been used by many researchers (20-21). One form of “walking in relation to pedagogy and place” that has become “ubiquitous” is the dérive or drift through urban space; its “aimlessness disrupts the habitual methods people typically move from one place to another, and instead directs the walkers’ attention to the sights, sounds, smells and other psychogeographic details of a place” (21). I’m surprised to learn that the dérive has been used by social scientists, given contemporary psychogeography’s resistance (through its interest in the occult and other nonrational ways of “knowing”) to being absorbed by the academy. Mapping is also a way of “materializ[ing]” place, typically by using GPS but through analogue technologies (pencil and paper) as well (22). 

Nature and trail walks are ways “of doing nature, as if nature is separate and distinct from humans,” but understood in that way, nature “is exclusionary” because certain bodies—“queer, disabled, racialized”—are “marked out of place in nature,” since “nature reserves and hiking trails are shaped around a compulsory neurotypicality, able-bodiedness, and normativity” (22-23). In Australia, the practice of “bushwalking” “is a place-making practice that is ‘invested in settler futurity’” because it typically ignores the land’s traditional owners (Tuck & Gaztambide-Fernández, qtd. 23). Some scholars, including Sarah Pink, use the term “emplacement” to suggest the interrelationship between body, mind, and environment, but Tuck and McKenzie argue that emplacement “‘is the discursive and literal replacement of the Native by the settler,’” evident in things like property rights and broken treaties (qtd. 23-24). (I’m not sure how emplacement could be considered the sole paradigm that is entangled in settler colonialism; clearly I don’t understand how Tuck and McKenzie are using that word.) “[P]lace-based research needs to be put into conversation with Indigenous knowledges, practices that ‘unsettle’ white settlers, and critical environmental studies to move place from the periphery of social science research,” Springgay and Truman suggest, citing Tuck and McKenzie; Tuck, McKenzie, and McCoy; Delores Calderon; and many others (24). 

With this critical and theoretical framework in mind, Stone Walks on the Bruce Trail: Queering the Trail, Springgay and Truman write, “ruptured and queered the trail, challenging the nature-culture binary, demanding that we think otherwise about human and more-than-human entanglements” (25). They cite Margaret Somerville’s use of the term “queer in relation to place as a strategy or method for research and writing” that “disrupts and decenters the human, and emphasizes a new theory of representation” (25). Thus “Queering the Trail refuses and understanding of geology and Land from a human linear time-scale that can be reduced to heteronormative reproductivity” (25). (I don’t understand the relationship being posited here, through critique, between geology and Land, on the one hand, and “heteronormative reproductivity” on the other. What are they talking about?)

Springgay and Truman now describe Stone Walks on the Bruce Trail: Queering the Trail: the participants (a group of artists and academics) and the event itself, which included performances, “pop-up lectures” (26) on the history of walking, the word “queer,” the area’s geology, and the way that the word for “Haudenosaunee clans, which Euro-Western scholars have assumed is a human designation for groups of people, in fact is a Mohawk word that refers to Land, clay, or earth” (26-28). “Queering the Trail deliberately engaged with a relational politics that does not flatten all entities into equitable vitalism, but accounts for the ways that different phenomena come to matter as matter,” they write (29). The event, they continue, “enacted what Tuck and McKenzie invoke in their understanding of critical place inquiry”: 

They ask social science researchers to do more than simply collect data “on and in place, [but] to examin[e] place itself in its social and material manifestations.” After each pop-up lecture we asked walkers to continue walking the trail and to use that time for questions and discussions with the guest lecturers, artists, and WalkingLab. As we left the Iroquoia Heights side trail after the final walk . . . we invited the group of walkers to walk in silence for an extended period of time. Unlike sound walks that might ask participants to tune into their sensory surround, the silence was intended as a form of Place-Thought, where the confluence of the days’ events could come together. As a walking methodology, Stone Walks enacts a conjunction between thinking-making-doing. Walking-with place insists on a relational, intimate, and tangible entanglement with the lithic eco-materiality of which we are all a part. (33)

I wasn’t present at Stone Walks on the Bruce Trail: Queering the Trail, but it seems to me that while it would have been a provocative experience, it’s hard to imagine that such an event could carry all of the theoretical freight articulated in this account. How is one event’s walking in silence merely sensory, for example, while Stone Walks on the Bruce Trail: Queering the Trail’s silent walking was “a form of Place-Thought,” a term which comes from Anishinaabe academic Vanessa Watts and suggests that the earth has “aliveness and agency” (29)? How can one be certain that the event’s intentions were realized for its participants? How could a period of silent walking undo hundreds of years of settler colonial, religious, and philosophical baggage? Is that remotely possible? Are lectures along a trail really able to enact the radical programme this account claims they enacted? Could any event do all of the things that this event is described as being able to do? It’s hard for me to imagine. I would never make such claims about my walking; in fact, I’m always wondering whether my intentions are realized or whether I’ve failed to do what I set out to do. I don’t see any similar self-reflectivity or self-questioning here. 

The second chapter, “Sensory inquiry and affective intensities in walking research,” begins with this statement:

Walking methodologies invariably invoke sensory and affective investigations. Despite the fact that sensory studies and affect studies emerge from different conceptualizations of sensation, both, we maintain, prioritize corporeal and material practices. Sensory studies and the various approaches to affect share an interest in non-conscious, non-cognitive, transmaterial, and more-than representational processes. (34)

Springgay and Truman cite a long list of sensory studies and note that the senses have been considered to be important for qualitative research, while affect studies focus on “pre-, post-, and trans-individual bodily forces and the capacities of bodies to act or be acted upon by other bodies” (34-35). “This chapter examines a number of WalkingLab projects and categorizes them as either sensory, haptic, or affective,” they continue. “This pedagogical exercise is arguably problematic and arbitrary, as many of the walks intersect sensory inquiry and affective understandings of corporeality,” but by conducting this exercise, they “are able to demonstrate the degree of complexity and the many variations by which sensory knowing and affective tonalities shape walking methodologies” (35). The first section of the chapter focuses on walks “that isolate a particular sense,” followed by a section that looks at walks “that use synaesthesia to defamiliarize the ordinary, paying attention to visceral and immanent encounters of walking in urban space” (35). That synaesthesia must be metaphorical or otherwise constructed, because true synaesthesia is rare and wouldn’t necessarily take forms that would be activated by walking. Then they discuss hapticality—“a sense of touch felt as force, intensity, and vibration”—and the discussion of hapticality in Stefano Harney and Fred Moten’s articulation of “a politics of the feel” (35). That leads to affect theories and intersectionality. Finally, they argue that “‘feelings futurity’ in walking methodologies requires that sensory inquiry, haptic modulations, and affective tonalities ask questions about ‘what matters’” (35). 

To illustrate these ideas, Springgay and Truman discuss “experiments with multi-sensory and multi-species ethnography with early childhood teachers and students” in the WalkingLab project “Thinking-with Bark” (35), a project called StoryWalks (also with young children as participants) (36), several sound walks (36-38), and “a smellscape walk” in Toronto’s Kensington Market (38). “The interest in the proximinal senses in walking research is significant for the ways that it has unsettled occularcentrism,” they write, noting that “sensory inquiry ephasizes the body and corporeal ways of knowing,” although “such sensory turns need to account for the social, cultural, racial, sexual, gendered, and classed constructions of the senses. The senses are not neutral, but already exist as ethical and political demarcations of difference” (39). They cite Sarah Pink’s suggestion that the identification of five senses is a Western cultural construct (39). Next, Springgay and Truman turn to synaesthetic walks. “In walking research, synaesthesia can be deployed intentionally to defamiliarize a sensory experience of place and as a non-representational strategy,” they suggest, citing a project in which participants were encouraged to map smells “using words from another sensory register” (40): not true synaesthesia, then, but a textually constructed or metaphorical synasthesia. 

They then explore haptic walks: “Hapticality relates to the sense of touch,” they write, and “[i]n walking research, hapticality attends to tactile qualities such as pressure, weight, temperature, and texture,” sometimes organized “around kinaesthetic experience such as muscles, joints, and tendons that give a sense of weight, stretching, and angles as one walks” (40). They cite Laura Marks’s work on haptic visuality, which draws on Deleuze and Guattari’s discussion of the haptic (40-41), and discuss a variety of walking projects which think about tactile knowledge and corporeality, including Deirdre Heddon’s and Misha Myers’s Walking Library project, John Wylie’s description of “the rhythm of walking as a corporeal event,” and Tim Ingold’s suggestion that “walkers ‘hear through their feet’ emphasizing the proprioception of movement,” although they suggest that Ingold’s “embodied hapticality . . . foregrounds an individual’s experience and understanding of surfaces and textures, privileging the human,” which is a problem they will address later in “discussions of human embodiment through trans theories” (41). “Hapticality emphasizes transcorporeal touching encounters,” Springgay and Truman continue (42). They discuss the use of the term “hapticality as a political mode of touching and being touched” in the work of Stefano Harney and Fred Moten (42). “Hapticality or a politics of the feel,, lies below cognitive perception,” they suggest (42). This exploration ends with Métis artist Dylan Miner’s WalkingLab event To the Landless “as a politics of the feel” which “might also be understood through theories of affect, where affect is force and intensity” (42-43).

“Affect has inflected qualitative research methodologies with an attention to matter as dynamic, energetic, and emergent,” Springgay and Truman write (43). They acknowledge that “affect surfaces in the previous sensory experiments and walks, as affect circulates constantly” (43). However, they continue, “the focus in the previous experiments was on the ways in which walking shaped a sensory understanding of embodiment and place,” and affect, “although not synonymous with sensory experience, extends and complicates the ethical-political work of walking methodologies” (43). For instance, in the WalkingLab project Evaporation Walks, participants “carry broad dinner plates filled with pigmented water” until the water evaporates, “leaving a trace or silt residue on the bottom of the plate” (43). “The project speaks to pain and grief, and the weight of carrying a dying body both literally (in the form of evaporation) and metaphorically (loss of a child),” they contend. “If affect demands that sensation be understood as intensities, vibrations, and forces that are transcorporeal, as opposed to located in a particular body, then pain and grief are palpable in the circulation of affects between bodies. . . . Affect signals a capacity for the body to be open to the next affective event, an opening to an elsewhere” (43). “Affect is about surfaces,” the continue, “[q]uivering, vibrating surfaces that affect bodies, sticking to them” (44). In Evaporation Walks, they write, citing Deleuze’s claim that affects are “created through encounters, which force us to thought,” “there is a difference between the walkers feeling emotions that are already recognizable—for example, grief—and pre-, post- and trans-personal affects that unsettle and force us to resist identification. The affects that circulate might be anguish, but they could also be joyful” (44). What confuses me here, though, is why the evaporation of water necessarily literally or metaphorically speaks of pain or grief at all. What am I missing? I don’t understand how Evaporation Walks has become such a totemic example of walking and affect. It’s as if the theory and practice are not cohering, or at least not cohering in a way that is intelligible for me.

“The political potential of affect lies in intensities—which can be either deliberate or incidental—and in the ways that intensities instantiate feelings,” Springgay and Truman write. “These feelings, while immediate and in the present, arrive with a past that is never in the past , and engender an indeterminate future” (45). They cite Sara Ahmed’s suggestion that distinguishing between affect and emotion comes with particular dangers, along with other critiques that “emerge in affect studies suggesting that there can be a tendency to avoid the messiness of identity politics and a refusal to engage with issues of oppression,” a situation that “neglects the way that affect and feeling participates in the formation of subjects” (45). Nevertheless, “many affect theorists have turned to affect precisely because affect enables a form of thinking about politics as ‘processes of circulation, engagement, and assemblage rather than as originating from the position of a sovereign subject,” citing the work of Lara, Lui, Ashley, Nishida, Liebert, and Billies (45). “Numerous scholars have attended to the entanglements between affect and politics, including the ways that power and control circulates and flows and the formation of animacy hierarchies that condition corporeal threats,” they continue (45-46). “What affect theory helps us do is re-think the assumption that agency and politics begins with the human subject, and that the human is the only animate agent,” they write:

Affecting subjectivity offers possibilities for exploring material and visceral processes of subjectivity, re-thinks categories previously associated with identity, and considers the emergence of subjectivity as an assemblage of conscious and non-conscious matterings. Affectivity becomes a practice and process of defamiliarization, where subjectivities are not flattened or erased but neither are they fixed, known, or assumed. (46)

They then discuss two water walks, one in Toronto and the other in Hamilton, and “the ways that affecting subjectivities contributes to the scholarship on the intersections between affect and politics” (46-48).

In the chapter’s conclusion, Springgay and Truman write, “There is no denying that sensory experiences, haptic feelings, and affective intensities course through walking research. What matters, we contend, is how we tune into sensation, hapticality and affect” (48). They suggest that what is important is “the politics of the feel” (48). “It is our contention however, that feelings futurity in walking methodologies not only lies in these meaningful and vital contributions to qualitative research, but in the politicality of sensation and affect,” they continue. “This means that walking methodologies need to account for the ways that more-than-human sensations and affects circulate, accumulate, and stick to different bodies and spaces in different ways” (48). I find myself confused by the term “feelings futurity,” but Springgay and Truman discuss it further:

Feelings futurity arises as forces that act through and upon us. The future of walking methodologies requires not only innovative techniques to experiment with and account for sensory and haptic understandings, but must also attune to affecting subjectivities and the ways that affect flows and sticks to different bodies and spaces. Feelings futurity insists that we turn our attention to how matter comes to matter. (49)

Unfortunately, that elaboration doesn’t help. Why use the term “futurity” here? What does “futurity” actually mean in contemporary theoretical discourse? It’s as if there’s a code I’m not able to break, and it’s frustrating. Perhaps as I continue reading, this terminology will become clear. I can only hope.

Chapter 3, “Transmaterial walking methodologies: Affective labour and a sonic walk,” begins with embodiment. “As we walk we are ‘in’ the world, integrating body and space co-extensively,” Springgay and Truman write, citing Sarah Pink and Tim Ingold (50). But, they continue, “the linkage between walking and embodiment is contentious because particular ways of walking might not be embodied, such as mindless daily commutes to work” (50). What’s the connection between mindfulness and embodiment? Is there one? My “mindless” commute to work, particularly these days, when the temperature dips to minus 20, are embodied, not least because they can be uncomfortable, and that discomfort brings me back to my body as I walk.  This morning, for instance, although I was thinking about this summary as I walked through the park, I was also aware of the rhythm of my footsteps and of the cold air entering my lungs, and since I was slightly overdressed for the temperature, of the patch of sweat forming on my back. Is that awareness not embodiment? What about flow states? Are they not embodiment? When I used to run, I would occasionally find myself in a flow state in which the running was effortless. Is that not embodiment? How did mindfulness sneak into notions of embodiment? I don’t understand.

“Likewise,” they write, “when walking is described as embodied, it is typically assumed to be productive, lively, convivial, and therefore positive. However, mass refugee flights experienced globally enact vulnerable, exposed, and brutalized embodiment.” Of course, the walking that is called “lively” and “convivial” is made by choice, not out of necessity, and from a place of relative privilege and safety; comparing it to the walking experienced by refugees misses that point. “Normative understandings of embodiment are framed as affirmative, but do not take into consideration antagonism or power,” Springgay and Truman state (50). Plus, I’m not convinced that accounts of embodied walking require conviviality; I think examples of that argument would have to be provided.

Springgay and Truman turn to the work of Stacy Alaimo, who argues that embodiment “does little to account for ‘networks of risk, harm, culpability and responsibility’ within which humans find themselves entangled; to Lindsay Stephens, Susan Ruddick and Patricia McKeever, who reject “a model of embodiment based on individual experience” and “argue that embodiment theories need to account for more politically emplaced and spatially distributed understandings of bodies and space”; and to Eve Tuck and Marcia McKenzie, who also argue that most understandings of embodiment ignore power and perpetuate “ongoing settler colonial practices” (50). Alaimo’s notion of transcorporeality, which describes “more-than-human embodiment that includes ‘material interchanges between human bodies, geographical places, and vast networks of power’” (qtd. 50) is, for Springgay and Truman, a more satisfactory way of understanding embodiment. “Transcorporeality posits humans and nonhumans as enmeshed with each other in a messy, shifting ontology,” they write. “Transcorporeality cleaves the nature-culture divide and asserts that bodies do not pre-exist their comings together but are materialized in and through intra-action” (50). For example, Astrida Neimanis suggests that water is transcorporeal because it exists inside and outside of our bodies in “leaky entanglements” (50). 

In this chapter, Springgay and Truman argue that walking methodologies are “transmaterial,” although it’s not clear to me that transmateriality and transcorporeality are necessarily the same things (51). There’s a slippage from one term to the other. Their primary example is a sonic walk by Rebecca Conroy called Walking to the Laundromat; that is what they “think-with” in this chapter (51). “Commencing with Alaimo’s transcorporeality we draw on different trans theories to disassemble and disturb taxonomies, and confound the notion of an embodied, coherent self,” they write (51). This chapter also critiques the flâneur (everybody does) and introduces “transspecies and viral theories to further complicate humanist conceptualizations of environment,” before discussing how sounds “render some bodies as inhuman” (51). “Transmateriality,” they argue, “enlarges understandings of corporeality and takes into account more-than-human movements and entanglements that are immanent, viral, and intensive” (51).

Walking to the Laundromat is a 106-minute work of sound art “that participants listen to while doing their laundry at a public laundromat, interspersed with walks around the neighbourhood in between cycles” (51). (I’m guessing that the work instructs listeners to go to a laundromat with their laundry; the sound file is online, but I don’t have time to listen, unfortunately.) Springgay and Truman argue that this chapter uses excerpts from the work “to transduce and shape the writing with rather than about the sonic walk” (51). “In thinking trans, we invoke a transversal writing practice that attempts to rupture a reliance on lived description of artistic and bodily work,” they continue. “A challenge of writing and thinking-with more-than-human methodologies, and their experimental, material practices, is how to attend to their fleeting, viral, multiple, and affective intensities without reducing walking and art projects to mere background. There is a tendency to ‘interpret’ contemporary art practices, privileging the researcher’s voice over the artists’” (51-52). So, rather than interpretation, what? The “sonic walk” is “an instantiation of theory,” they write (52). Perhaps, but does that approach not continue to privilege their voices over Conroy’s? What’s the differentiation between interpretation and theorization in relation to a work of art? How can one talk about art without ending up privileging one’s own voice?

“In using the prefix trans, we understand that trans and non-trans people have different stakes in the field of trans studies,” they continue (52). That’s obvious; I have almost personal no stake at all in trans studies, as a cisgendered man. They note objections to the use of the term that erase “the material and social conditions of transgendered people’s lives,” but also cite those who, like Susan Stryker, Paisley Currah, and Lisa Jean Moore invoke the prefix “to consider the interrelatedness of all trans phenomena” (52). They cite Rosi Braidotti, “who describes transpositions as ‘intertextual, cross-boundary or transversal transfer’” which weave “different strands together” (qtd. 52). “Transpositions are non-linear and nomadic, and as such accountable and committed to a particular ethics,” they write (52). What links non-linearity and nomadism to ethics? I don’t understand. Does that mean that linearity and sedentarism are not linked to ethics? “Trans is a prefix that denotes across, through, or beyond,” Springgay and Truman write. “Transversing from embodiment to trans theories of walking requires us to move beyond questions that position particular kinds of human experience at the centre” (52). “[T]rans shifts the focus from a being or a thing to intensities and movement” (53). But linear understandings of trans are incorrect; rather, they suggest, quoting Eva Hayward and Che Gossett, trans “‘repurposes, displaces, renames, replicates, and intensifies terms, adding yet more texture and the possibility of nearby-ness’” (qtd. 53). “Trans refutes the nature-culture divide proliferating in nonhuman forms,” Springgay and Truman write, and it “includes the interventions of critical race studies and postcoloniality in posthuman or more-than-human conceptualizations of difference, where difference is not between entities, but constituted through movement and affect: a trans touching materiality” (53). Trans undoes “animacy categories” and “foregrounds Black and Indigenous Studies” because, as Abraham Weill suggests, it is about “entangled linkages, or transversality. Trans for Weil becomes a process of pollination and murmuration,” what Springgay and Truman will call “viral” (53).

Conroy’s sonic walk addresses labour “through the intersections of reproductive labour, capitalism, and affective labour,” because it’s about doing laundry (53). “One of the ways that labour gets circumnavigated in walking research is the reliance on two specific tropes: the flâneur and the dérive,” they continue, since the flâneur is a man, and a man of leisure (54); “[i]nstead of the flâneur, we need different conceptualizations of walking that deterritorialize what it means to move,” such as critical disability research (55). The dérive, for its part, is part of a “‘fraternity’” of walking because it is detached, although “[t]here are a number of feminist psychogeographers and collectives that use the practices of the dérive to critique and subvert the myth of urban detachment” (55-56). Walking to the Laundromat “resists the tropes of the visually privileged flâneur and queers the dérive, underscoring the labour, violence, and structures that enable some bodies to walk more freely,” Springgay and Truman contend. “The audio track emphasizes the violence of labour and transnational mobility, and the performance, of washing clothes, walking, and returning respectively to the laundromat, further positions the performance itself as a form of labour,” and unlike a dérive, the walking involved is restricted by the need to return to the washing machines periodically (56). Instead of casting off “usual relations,” the work, “through the labour of walking and washing, embodied affective labour” (56).

“We insist that walking researchers need to stop returning to the flâneur to contextualize their work, and instead consider transmaterial walking practices,” Springgay and Truman, well, insist. “Researchers must recognize that walking is not always a leisure activity, and that particular bodies already labour over walking as work” (56). Those who do draw on the dérive must “remain critical and not assume that it is automatically radical. Some bodies literally walk on foot for miles carrying laundry, water, or other commodities” (56). Conroy’s sonic walk “thinks about urban space, access, and labour associated with walking, borders, and mobility,” and it “disrupts the occularcentrism of the flâneur, focussing instead on sounds, bodies, and transmigratory spaces” (57). (Is a laundromat a transmigratory space?) “Walking to the Laundromat interrogates the ways that capitalism and neoliberalism render some lives disposable, and asserts the violence and Whiteness of colonial sovereignty,” they continue, and the laundromat itself becomes “both a space of care and cruelty” (57). “Conroy describes her project through three threads: mindfulness and penetration; invisible leaking bodies; and viral strategies,” and the audio walk also “takes up the issue of necropolitics, where queer, trans, and racialized populations are subject to occupation, conquest, and elimination” (57). How it does all of this is not clear.

Next, Springgay and Truman turn to Julie Livingston and Jasbir Puar and their term “interspecies,” which refers “to ‘relationships between different forms of biosocial life and their political effects’” (qtd. 59). “Interspecies theories and research insists that the human can no longer be the dominant subject of analysis,” and that interspecies “‘offers a broader geopolitical understanding of how the human/animal/plant triad is unstable and varies across time and place,’” (qtd. 59), a provocative statement that requires reading Livingston’s and Puar’s work to understand. “Interspecies also departs from privileged sites in posthuman work—the human and the animal—or what Donna Haraway calls companion species, to include “‘“incompanionate” pests, microscopic viruses, and commodified plants—in other words, forms of life with which interspecies life may not be so obvious or comfortable’” (Livingston and Puar, qtd. 59). Eliza Steinbock, Marianna Szczygielska, and Anthony Wagner write “that trans ‘enmeshes . . . transgender, animal, a[n]imacy, intimacy,’” and that “[t]he frictional intimacies of trans undoes the animacy hierarchies” (59). (I am finding the subject/verb agreement problems in this text very distracting.) This undoing is featured in Walking to the Laundromat as well, Springgay and Truman contend, through the use of “discordant sounds,” whose “viral penetration undoes” the soundtrack’s use of “tidy, human-centric narratives” (59-60). “‘Being open’ becomes transspecially linked to exploitation and environmental degradation,” they suggest (60).

Springgay and Truman then turn to Claire Colebrook’s “trans concept—transitivity—which emphasizes the linkages and intra-actions between entities that are non-linear. For Colebrook ‘transitive indifference’ undoes the notion of difference ‘from.’ When things are set against one another, and are different from each other, one entity remains in the centre, and is the basis for comparison and measurement,” the way the human is the standard of measurement for taxonomies of difference (60). “Indifference for Colebrook stresses the self-differentiating singularities of becoming,” they argue (60). Conroy’s sonic walk,” they claim, creates “various flowing assemblages” that have “vectors, speeds, rests, modes of expression and desiring tonalities” to construct “an instantiation of transitive indifference” (60). Carla Freccero “uses the term transpecies to invoke a form of becoming that breaks down species taxonomies questioning origins and materializations of classification hierarchies,” they continue, suggesting that “[t]rans is less ‘place bound,’ and more like the concept of ecology often invoked in posthuman discourse, and as such interrogates the logic of human exceptionalism and heteronormative reproduction” (60). How it does so, though, and what the link between “human exceptionalism” and “heteronormative reproduction” is, remains unclear; I would find the argument here more satisfying if it proceeded more slowly. Karen Barad “forms another reading of trans as a process of self-touching animacy, regeneration, and recreation” by deconstructing “the reductionist ontology of classical physics” and describing “instead how [indeterminacy] is entangled through all being” (60). For Barad, trans is about a radical undoing of the self (60). “Trans, as we’re building in this chapter emphasizes movement as flows, vectors, and affective tonalities,” Springgay and Truman write. “Trans shifts the focus from a being or a thing, to intensities and movement” (60). In doing so, might it not be radically disembodying the bodies with which this book began? Where do those intensities and flows and movements exist? Where are they located? I’m growing increasingly confused.

Another trans idea is “the viral,” which Puar uses “to untether sexuality from identity and hetero reproduction, in order to think about sexuality ‘as assemblages of sensations, affects and forces’” (qtd. 62). Hayward’s term “tranimal” “similarly reconfigures heteronormative sexuality and reproduction” by perverting “an understanding of embodiment that relies on  bounded and distinct identities,” and by considering “reproduction as ‘excess, profusion, surplus’” (62). For Hayward, trans “is about a kind of viral movement,” not from one point to another, but rather “it replicates as difference. In the viral, difference is affective and affecting modulation. It is speculative, activating potentiality and futurity through mutant replication” (62). Conroy’s various laundromat projects become, Springgay and Truman contend, “a mutant, virally reproducing, affective site that has the potential to re-imagine labour in different terms. While viruses operate parasitically and they penetrate a host, they are not adjacent to or simply touching a host, but alter and stretch the host,” as Conroy’s soundtrack apparently does (62). “In shifting from embodied theories that perpetuate a coherent sense of subjectivity, trans theories insist on an ethical-politics of walking,” Springgay and Truman continue (63). So having “a coherent sense of subjectivity” disallows ethics or politics? How so? “Thinking alongside transspeciation, Myra Hird argues that trans interrogates the idea that there is ever a natural body—the one we are born with—which must also parallel particular normative behaviours and desires,” they write (63). What if one’s desires and behaviours are normative, though? Where does this line of thought lead?

“Trans theories are invested in thinking about assemblages and viral replication rather than heteronormative future-oriented reproduction,” Springgay and Truman write. “Trans insists that the transitive state is not that some bodies matter while others continue to perish. . . . Trans emphasizes movement and vectors” (64). Walking to the Laundromat “as a transmaterial practice emphasizes the underpaid, repetitive, and bodily labour of service work,” they continue. “The project intervenes into the comfortable ways that walking is described as relational and convivial, recognizing that not all bodies move freely and that walking itself is a form of labour” (64). But when I think back to the book’s introduction, the “queer feminist Bush Salon in which texts were read, photographs taken, “perambulatory writing techniques” experimented with, and cherries eaten (1), I wonder where the labour was during that event, and how it might have addressed walking as labour, which the flâneur and the dérive fail to do. Again, I find myself looking for some degree of self-awareness in the argument. Conroy’s art work demonstrates “that embodiment, as a form of mind-body awareness and mediation, has been co-opted by liberalism,” they continue (64), although is that what embodiment is? A definition of embodiment would be useful here. “In bringing trans theories to bear on walking research we open up and re-configure different corporeal imaginaries, both human and nonhuman that are radically immanent and intensive, as an assemblage of forces and flows that open bodies to helices and transconnections,” they conclude:

Trans activates a thinking-in-movement. By conceptualizing walking methodologies as trans, we shift from thinking of movement as transition (from one place to another) or as transgression (that somehow walking is an alternative and thereby empowering methodology), towards trans as transcorporeal, transitive, transspecies, and viral in order to activate the ethical-political indifferentiation of movement. Trans activates new ways to talk about, write about, and do walking methodologies that take account of viral, mutant replication, and recognize the intra-active becomings of which we are a part. (65)

That is a huge task to lay at the feet of walking, and I find myself stumbling over almost every word. What, for instance, is meant by “the ethical-political indifferentiation of movement”? My dictionary tells me that “indifferentiation” refers to a lack of differentiation—but is that what is meant here? I can’t tell. Is it a term taken from Deleuze and Guattari? Or does it come from Brian Massumi? And what is flowing? I remember that, years ago, Deleuzians used the metaphor of “circuits”; not the language is the more organic flows. But what is actually flowing? Perhaps I really shouldn’t be reading this book without the appropriate philosophical background, and in a way I’m reading it in order to find out what I would need to read in order to understand the argument. This is extremely difficult stuff, and the argument structure, which rushes through texts and summarizes by repeating key terms, is more than a little confusing.

Chapter 4, “An immanent account of movement in walking methodologies: Re-thinking participation beyond a logic of inclusion,” suggests that it will engage with “mass forms of walking” to “consider participation from a vital and materialist perspective,” one that does not frame participation “as democratic interaction where individuals come together by choice, and as a convivial mode of collectivity” that is “emancipatory, liberatory, and transformative” (66). “The problem with this understanding of participation is that while it seems to promote diversity and equity, it operates as a symbolic gesture that fails to undo the structural logical of racism, ableism, homophobia, and settler colonialism,” Springgay and Truman write. “Furthermore, participation in contemporary art practices assumes audiences become active in the work versus passive spectators. This produces a false binary between active participation and passive viewing” (66). Nevertheless, they argue that participation “is important in walking research and as such we need different ways to think about participation’s potential” (66). So this chapter asks, “How might vital, material, and immanent theories ask different questions about the how of coming together and taking part?” (66). “The main thesis of this chapter is a critique of participation as inclusion,” they write (66). they use Ring of Fire, “a contemporary art event that resulted in a procession for the opening of the Parapan American Games” in Toronto in 2015, The Warren Run, “a running-orienteering race executed in an urban neighbourhood in Sydney, Australia,” and White Cane Amplified, “a performance in which a cane used by a walker who is visually impaired is replaced by a megaphone,” as ways of thinking about participation beyond inclusion (66)—although these examples seem to be negative ones. “[I]nclusion in events like Ring of Fire and the Parapan Am Games produces and maintains settler colonialism and White ableist homonationalism,” they argue, while The Warren Run “and the ways in which participation framed as inclusion in public art projects diffuses conflict, dissension, and difference through convivial notions of rationality” (67). “Our critiques aim to demonstrate the failure of thinking about participation as inclusion, rather than the limits of these particular projects,” they continue. “Following the crucial critiques of inclusion, we draw on theories of immanent movement, to ask questions about how we might think differently about participation,” “beyond a rhetoric of inclusion” (67). They argue that “participation begins before the invitation of inclusion commences,” and they suggest that they will conclude with “an analysis of participation that is composed from within, is immanent, vital, and of difference” (67).

The first example, Ring of Fire, brought together a wide range of communities in a procession for the Parapan Am Games. Springgay and Truman describe such “mega-events” as “corporate, neoliberal sites of homonationalism, crip nationalism, and settler colonialism” (68), which seems to be a critique of the project’s intention. They use Sykes’s (oh, that APA) distinction between “taking part” and “taking place”: “‘Taking part’ celebrates queer, disabled, and Indigenous participation in mega events”; it is “a form of inclusion” (69), while “‘taking place’ . . . perpetuates the displacement of Indigenous peoples from their traditional territories” (69). “Taking part” is “a practice of managing dissent” (69), while “mega events ‘take place’ from Indigenous peoples” (70). They cite Puar’s contention that “[r]acism, lack of medical care, settler colonialism, occupation, and incarceration are all tactical practices deployed by the State to create and maintain precarious populations through debilitation,” which, they conclude, means that “inclusion functions to produce and sustain debility” (70). “Rather than a ‘taking part,’ which continues to pathologize the differently abled body, critical disability and crip scholars . . . insist that the body-technology-environment be understood not as a supportive device that helps an individual overcome limitations, but as a moving assemblage that has different configurations and rhythms,” they continue, noting that people using a variety of assistive devices were encouraged to participate in Ring of Fire (71). “If participation as inclusion continues to normalize and pathologize different bodies, maintaining White, ableist, heteronormative, settler colonialism then what other ways can we think-with participatory projects like Ring of Fire?” they ask (71). One possibility is the notion of affirmation as a form of participation that, quoting Erin Manning, “‘keeps things unsettled, a push that ungrounds, unmoors, even as it propels’” (qtd. 71). Okay, but what would that look like in practice? Is there an example the authors can point towards? The section ends without any.

The chapter’s next section, “Conviviality and conflict-free participation,” looks at The Warren Run, an orienteering-inspired race through a neighbourhood in Sydney, Australia. “Walking art projects like The Warren Run that include communities and groups of people in the work, are often described using an assortment of terms including socially engaged art, social practice, relational, and participatory,” Springgay and Truman note (73). The same could be said of Ring of Fire. They review various critiques of this art form, including the idea “that there is a unified, pre-existing, and self-determining subject who participates, which obscures the complex ways that humans and nonhumans act” (73). They cite Brian Massumi’s claim “that participation occurs prior to cognition, before the act of thinking about taking part” (74), which might sometimes be true, but also might sometimes not be true. This idea leads into the next section, in which Springgay and Truman “tease out an immanent conceptualization of participation, arguing that such an ontology of participation might propose a more ethical-political understanding of taking part and coming together” (74). That section, “Relative and absolute movement,” begins with a discussion of rhythm, particularly as Deleuze and Guattari use the term (75). That leads to a distinction between absolute and relative movement in the work of Erin Manning. Relative movement is about the body moving while other objects in space remain stationary; absolute movement “is a form of movement that proliferates endlessly” (75). “In absolute movement, motility does not pass between points” (76); like a yoga pose, it involves “a composition of ceaselessly moving micro-movements” (76). Walking involves both absolute and relative movement (76). Manning suggests that movement becomes a vibrational force, and so rhythm “is composed of vibratory micro-movements that are constantly in flux and change. These vibrations of micro-movement are imperceptible and molecular” (76). If they are imperceptible, though, how does one know they are actually happening? “A vibrational account of rhythm provides a means to interrogate how encounters that are imperceptible produce affects across different entities,” they continue. “Thus, vibratory accounts of rhythm enable different kinds of analysis that attend to the immanent and affective dimensions of participation” (76). How so? Springgay and Truman provide no examples to support this idea.

Instead, in the next section, “Volitional and decisional movement,” they discuss Manning’s distinction between volitional, or conscious movement, and decisional, or unconscious movement (76-77). “In decisional movement, a body reacts and moves, in relation to other decisional movements,” the way a trained baseball player can respond to a ball without thinking through that response (77). Manning seems to think that decisional movement is more important, that volitional movement gets in its way, and that decisional movement “leaves room for mutation” (77). I don’t understand the hierarchy that is being asserted here. “The problem with volitional movement is that it conceives of participation through inclusionary rationalities and, as we have demonstrated, these continue to support White, ableist, settler, and heteronormative logics,” Springgay and Truman write. “Volitional movement as ‘taking part,’ while inviting different subjects and different bodies to participate, supports and reinforces norms. Furthermore, this rhetoric of inclusion is in fact exclusionary, where certain bodies are always marked as different and only included by conforming” (77). On the other hand, 

if participation is composed of absolute and decisional movement, where bodies—human and nonhuman—are rhythmically moving in variation and difference—then we can begin to think of participation beyond the rhetoric of inclusion. This is crucial. We need different ways to conceive of and understand participation, and think about participation’s political potential. This is where absolute and decisional movement become important. (78)

“If participation isn’t reduced to the volitional act of an individual, but is rendered in rhythmic terms of assemblage and composition, participation engenders a politics of potentiality,” they continue. “Instead of ‘taking part,’ which privileges inclusion, and evaluates the kind of interaction inclusion creates, we ask: how to tend to the proliferation of difference, the immanence of participation?” (78). 

Their answer lies in the importance of decisional and absolute movements. Because inclusionary participation “implies volitional movement, a form of free will or choice,” it is “linked to individual agency, rationality, and mastery” and “continues to render some bodies outside of an event, or outside of what it means to be human. Inclusionary logics reinforce and inside and an outside” (78). However, decisional movement “engenders variation and difference”; decisional movements “are rhythmic relations that are produced in and of the event. They are immanent to the event itself” (78). As a result, “[p]articipation becomes intensive, it is internal to itself, and constituted through movement and affect. In other words, participation is produced without knowing what the production will look like. It is creative and experimental” (78). How would one be able to tell that this participation was taking place, though, if it was only made up of decisional and absolute movements? What would that kind of participation look like? Is it the only “creative and experimental” form of movement? Is volitional movement really that bad? Am I not choosing to type these notes, for instance (a form of volitional movement) while reading this book (another form of volitional movement) that Springgay and Truman researched and wrote (a third form of volitional movement)? Writing can’t be a decisional form of movement—at least, it isn’t all the time; one makes a conscious choice to write. The same goes for research. Without a tangible example of the kind of participation Springgay and Truman approve of, one based in decisional and absolute movements, I really have no idea what the thing they are advocating might look like.

“‘Taking part’ in an event assumes that any negative limitations have been removed and that by being included the subject is now transformed, empowered, and liberated,” Springgay and Truman write. (They’ve never seen me grudgingly agree to participate in an office softball match; my limitations remain, and I am neither empowered by striking out nor liberated by missing a fly ball.) “However, inclusion continues to render an outside and an inside,” and it “implies a degree of choice” (78). They cite Elizabeth Grosz’s notion of “free acts,” which do not involve “rational choice and individual agency,” but are “indebted to decisional movement, to cleaving, cuts, intra-actions and transcorporeal entanglements between all bodies” (78). Their example is Carmen Papalia’s White Cane Amplified project, which “replaces the white cane with a megaphone,” allowing Papalia, who is a “non-visual learner,” Papalia’s term for blindness, which doesn’t reduce his sightlessness to a disability, “to instruct other pedestrians and vehicles about his presence and to request help from participants in crossing streets and navigating urban spaces” (79). Papalia, “in contrast to heteronormative notions of a self-reliant male strolling through the city, requires participation from others to navigate safely” (79). (Why “heteronormative”? Are there no gay flâneurs?) Papalia does not ask people to participate in guiding him “as an act of community building or empowerment,” Springgay and Truman contend. “Rather, the participants—much like the megaphone, the sidewalk, and other obstacles he encounters—are decisional in that they become inflexions that alter his movements discretely” (79-80). But aren’t those participants making a conscious decision to participate? Aren’t their movements thereby volitional? I honestly don’t understand how the theoretical paradigm they have outlined has any practical significance. I’m missing something important and I don’t know what it might be.

“Walking methodologies are commonly understood as participatory,” Springgay and Truman conclude; it is “social and interactive, whether you walk with others, or commune with your senses on a solo walk” (81). “But the inclusionary logics of participation, as we have outlined, normalize, commodify, and stratify particular bodies,” they write (I don’t recall the words “commodify” or “stratify,” but maybe I missed them), and also “establish an inside and an outside are distinct. To participate means to move from the outside into the inside. In this regard, participation would appear to be a concept that stifles a work” (81). How does it stifle a work? Were Ring of Fire or The Warren Run stifled? How so? “But if participation is immanent to life, to walking, to events, and as such to research, different questions can be asked about what participation does, or how it operates,” they continue. “Participation as immanent proliferates and multiplies endlessly. Participation as relational, always taking part, emphasizes movement and rhythm as difference” (81). But how could one tell if that kind of participation were to be taking place? What, in practical terms, would participation as an immanent proliferation that multiplies endlessly look like? 

The fifth chapter, “On the need for methods beyond proceduralism: Speculative middles, (in)tensions, and response-ability in research), begins with the “agitations that are occurring in qualitative research”: a host of conflicts that suggest that qualitative research is “stuck . . . between new empiricist theories as methodologies and traditional phenomenologically informed methods” (82). I don’t know what those new empiricist theories might be, and I’m not a qualitative social scientist, so I’m not that concerned about my lack of knowledge. This chapter responds to the suggestion that method can be done away with. “First, there is an assumption that methods are particular things, such as interviews, participant observation, or video ethnography,” but methods already “resist representation” (83). “Second, although we agree with a radical empiricist understanding that posits thought as a form of inquiry,” they feel that “methods are significant and very much present in a research event” (83). “Thus, rather than a refusal of methods, the remaining sections of this chapter propose that particular (in)tensions need to be immanent to whatever method is used,” they write. “If they intention of inquiry is to create a different world, to ask what kinds of futures are imaginable, then (in)tensions attend to the immersion, tension, friction, anxiety, strain, and quivering unease of doing research differently” (83). (I’m not convinced that the neologism “(in)tension” is communicating very much—what is the crossover between “tension” and “intention” supposed to produce?) I would like my walking practice to imagine different futures, but I’m not sure that any of this speaks to the kind of work I do and intend to do.

“We approach methods propositionally, speculatively, and experimentally and maintain that it is the logic of procedure and extraction that needs undoing,” they continue (83). Yes, extraction is something I hope my walking practice can avoid: relatively easy in a solo practice, but perhaps harder when one is walking and talking with others. “We attend to the how of research by thinking-with various walking projects from WalkingLab and beyond,” they continue. “We use the idea of the walk score as a catalyst for movement” (83). Such walk scores are propositions, “different from research methods or a research design in that they are speculative and event oriented,” and “not intended as a set of directions or rules that contain and control movement” (83). Rather, walk scores “emphasize chance and improvisation” (83). “We need to shift from thinking about methods as processes of gathering data towards methods as becoming entangled in relations,” a perspective which “requires a commitment to methods in which experience gives way to experimentation” (83-84). Since I’m not engaged in qualitative social science, though, I’m not sure this discussion is relevant to my work—although Springgay and Truman do cite Elizabeth Adams St. Pierre’s argument that one can’t simply employ new empiricist methodologies (informed by Deleuze and Guattari) or the new materialisms along with phenomenological methods, because these methodologies are situated in different “‘ontological arrangements’” (84-85). That’s worth thinking about, and St. Pierre is always worth reading. Springgay and Truman suggest that they agree with St. Pierre’s contention “that reflexiity (humanist) and radical empiricism (more-than-human) are incommensurate,” because reflexivity, “even as an entangled practice, presupposes a subject and is founded on interpretive practices” (86). 

“In instrumentalizing walking as a method there is the presumption that walking is going to do something specific before the event occurs, and that walking is uniquely situated to discover and gather data,” they write. The problem with this notion “is that instead of attending to the ecologies of research, or what we prefer to call the thinking-making-doing of research, researchers fall into the trap of believing that creating new methods will offer different solutions” (86). “We posit that methods are not the issue,” they continue. “Methods must be engaged with in the speculative middle and (in)tensions must be brought to bear on them” (87). That’s because research begins in that speculative middle, the place where Deleuze and Guattari claim “things grow, expand, and pick up speed” (87). “In the middle, immanent modes of thinking-making-doing come from within the processes themselves, rather from outside them,” they write. “In the middle, the speculative ‘what if’ emerges as a catalyst for the event. The middle is a difficult place to be,” a place where it’s hard to see clearly (87). “That is the point. The middle can’t be known in advance of research. You have to be ‘in it,’ situated and responsive. You are not there to report on what you find or what you seek, but to activate thought. To agitate it” (87). Of course, that would be hard to put on a Research Ethics Board application. 

“A speculative middle does not stop a researcher,” they write. “It’s a thrust, a future provocation for thinking-making-doing. . . . Speculative middles, through processes such as walking, reading, and writing, emerge as agitations and as affective force” (89). The “speculative middle” is “an event” in which “(in)tensions, concerns, and gnawings continually emerge. As the agitations take shape, it is the (in)tensions that incite further action,” changing “the how of methods the research event” (89-90). I wish the word “(in)tensions” had been defined here. “Deleuze’s thought compels researchers to experiment with problems rather than seek solutions,” they continue, citing Elizabeth Grosz’s argument that political activism should be about dreams of the future which are unattainable, rather than solutions (91). Springgay and Truman describe their use of pinhole photography as a method that is “entangled with an (in)tension of problematizing what matters” and that “demands we reimagine ‘land care’” (92). “Our methods of walking-with insists that the Land, the sediment of the escarpment that consist of rocks and Indigenous peoples, stays with us in unrestrained fullness” (92-93). (I’m not sure how the sediments of the Niagara Escarpment, which were formed by oceans that predate the existence of our species, consist of Indigenous peoples.) Another technique Truman used in her PhD research was the dérive, which was problematized in the “speculative middle” by a number of techniques, “including mapping using literary devices, writing poems that examined the spatial politics of their walks to and from school, and writing exercises that activated rhythm in conjunction with movement” (94). “What these minor gestures opened up for the dérive was a place for different (in)tensions to matter,” they continue. “But a dérive inflected with minor gestures is infused with intimacy where knowledge of place is not something grasped from a distance but emerges through proximity; where proximity is not a voyage of discovery, but where one bears the consequences for the things that are not even known yet” (94). I’m wondering, once again, if the theoretical conclusions that the authors place on their practical examples aren’t too strong, too certain. I would certainly be more tentative in evaluating the results of my work. Maybe that’s one of my problems.

Chapter 6, “‘To the landless’: Walking as counter-cartographies and anarchiving practices,” begins with a recognition of the way walkers have experimented with a variety of mapping techniques, although it remains “entrenched in imperial and colonial powers who use and create maps to exploit natural resources, claim land, and to legitimize borders” (99). For that reason, many artists and social scientists “deploy counter-cartographical approaches to map against dominant power structures, question the assumptions that conventional maps produce, and recognize different spatial knowledge systems” (99). Three WalkingLab projects, they suggest, “re-map—as a form of counter-cartography—erased and neglected histories” (99). They “consider the ways that re-mapping offers possibilities for conceptualizing space that is regional and relational, as opposed to state-sanctioned and static. As White settler artist-academics, we problematize the ways that new materialisms and posthumanisms have failed to account for a deeper understanding of the Anthropocene as racialized” (99-100). Walking “can re-map archives and disrupt linear conceptualizations of time,” they state. “Walking as ‘anarchiving’ attends to the undocumented, affected, and fragmented compositions that tell stories about ‘a past that is not past but is the present and an imagined future.’ As counter cartographies and anarchiving practices, the walking projects disrupt dominant narratives of place and futurity, re-mapping Land and ‘returning it to the landless’” (100). The three WalkingLab projects they discuss are Dylan Miner’s To the Landless, Walis Johnson’s The Red Line Archive and Labyrinth, and Camille Turner’s Miss Canadiana’s Heritage and Cultural Walking Tour: The Grange. 

Next, Springgay and Truman discuss borders as “social and physical constructions that paradoxically connect and divide” (101). They note that Miner (among others) argues “that settler colonial borders have impacted and limited ancestral Indigenous practices and fail to recognize Indigenous spatial knowledges” (102). They describe in detail his To the Landless project in Toronto, describing it as “a counter cartography” that “re-mapped anarchism onto the Toronto landscape” (104). The Red Line project is another example of counter-cartography that “re-claims the community spaces within the red line” that excluded African-Americans from certain neighbourhoods in New York City (105). “Walking the red line becomes a transcorporeal materialization revealing the connections between race and place on and through the lived body,” they write (106-07). These counter-mapping practices are “‘anarchival’” because they “rely on fragments of memories, oral stories, songs, marginal ephemera, and affects and emotions” (107). They also rely on archival research, I think, despite the critique Springgay and Truman make that archives are “technologies that served the production of imperialism and settler colonialism” (107); indeed, Brian Massumi states that “the archive . . . becomes the departure point for the anarchive” (108). Anarchives, though, “resist mere documentation and interpretation in favour of affective and material processes of production. . . . approaching matter from new perspectives that may be incongruent with conventional archiving practices, in order to activate erased, neglected, and hidden histories” (107). Camille Turner’s walking tours “re-map” the “erased and forgotten history” of racial intolerance in Canada “onto the Canadian landscape” while questioning “the mechanisms that enable this ongoing erasure” (109). Because there is very little documentation of African-Canadian communities in Toronto, Turner uses “alternative methods, including creating composite fictions” (110). Turner also “materialize[s]” Afrofuturism in her anarchive: “the narratives, songs, sounds, and places encountered on the walk. This is a time that is looped and haunting, rupturing teleological and linear understandings of time. Afrofuturism as a walking methodology could be described as both a method of recovering histories and futures and as an anarchiving of aesthetic productions that enact such a method” (112). Afrofuturism, they write, “is not only literary-based but can be a theoretical, material, sonic, performative, mapping, and anarchival practice” (112).

“The WalkingLab projects that we have assembled in this chapter take up walking methodologies in relation to space and time, acknowledging the possibilities and tensions that such work might produce,” Springgay and Truman conclude. “Counter-cartographies and anarchiving practices might in face reproduce the very geographies they seek to undo. However, in attending strategically to re-mapping the past that is not past, these projects offer avenues for imagining a different future. Re-mapping space and time are significant components to a counter-cartographical approach to walking methodologies” (112-13). Futurity, they continue, “refers to the ways that the future is projected and re-imagined” (113). (I’m very happy to read that definition!) “It also considers how the future is implicated in the past and the present, through different conceptualizations of time. Here time shifts from heteronormative colonial chronos”—why, again, “heteronormative”?—“to vectors, hauntings, spectres, regions, and relations. It also speaks to the ways that any reference to the future makes some futures possible while disavowing others” (113). As a counter-cartographical and anarchiving practice, walking can “enact these understandings of futurity, where the future is not a romanticized ideal, but in constant re-figurations” (113).

The seventh chapter, “Reflective inversions and narrative cartographies: Disrupting outcomes based models of walking in schools,” examines two research-creation projects that WalkingLab conducted in schools in Toronto and Cardiff. Regarding the project in Toronto, they write: “Working against the history of Canadian landscape, which is temporal, spatial, and racial, the walking-with events contest the imagined images of citizenship and identity. The work contributes to critical discourses and contemporary art practices on race, ethnicity, colonialism and land” (121). The organizers and the students “resisted the racialized dispossessions of belonging, creating new spacetimes and landscapes” (121). Again, the claim that the project created “new spacetimes and landscapes” seems hyperbolic to me. The project in Cardiff, which involved students participating in dérives, produced “narrative cartographies” that “mapped students’ understandings of how language functions to control and dehumanize students. Walking-with became a method for exploring inside and outside of school place collectively, to consider the ways that language is already pre-supposed and pre-determined in advance” (126). The maps created by the students “enabled new connections and different ontologies to become possible” (126). That seems like a lot: new ontologies? “Walking-with can be a significant and important method for working with students in educational contexts, if it does not become instrumentalized as an anti-technology and as an uncritical mode of being in place,” they conclude. “Walking-with is an ethical and political response-ability that intimately understands that any step towards a different world is always imbricated in a particular conceptualization of the human, one that continues to re-inscribe a separation between nature and culture, human and nonhuman, landscape and Other” (128). “[W]alking-with materializes horizontal and sideways ontologies where spacetimes reflect, invert, and bend,” they write, in another example of hyperbole, or perhaps metaphor (128).

Finally, Chapter 8, “A walking-writing practice: Queering the trail” is a set of propositions. “We use the propositional form for this chapter because propositions are not directions or procedures for writing,” Springgay and Truman state. “Propositions act as hybrids between potentiality and actuality: they propose what could be” (130). “In the first walk queering, we introduce walks by women, Indigenous walkers, people of colour walkers, and queer and trans walking artists, whose methods of walking defamiliarize the historical tropes of the lone walker drawing inspiration from the landscape,” they continue. “Some of these artists’ projects link walking and writing, while others illustrate a thinking-in-movement” (131). The following five walks “are walking-writing propositions that shape our collaborative practice. These are: differentiation; surfacing; activation devices; with; and touch. The seventh walk, contours, re-visits key concepts in the book and reflects on the implications of walking methodologies in a more than human world” (131).

“Walking-writing is a practice of invention, where the movement of thought is more-than a moment of walking, thinking, or inscribing,” Springgay and Truman contend (131). I’m not sure quite what that means, but they offer further description:

Walking-writing is a thinking-in-movement. Walking-writing is a practice of concept formation. We do not conceptualize walking in one register and writing in another, any more than we understand our research-creation walking events as pre-writing. Walking activates the creation of concepts. To walk is to move-with thought. In addition, we understand writing as something more-than what exists on a page or in a book. Walking-writing is experimental and speculative. Walking-writing surfaces. It is viscous and intense. Walking-writing is collaborative. (131)

I’m not sure that paragraph clarifies much for me. On one hand, to claim that walking “activates the creation of concepts” suggests an almost Wordsworthian claim that walking encourages creativity or thought, which I’m sure is not what is meant at all here. And the claim that writing is more than what gets recorded “on a page or in a book” baffles me. Is writing a metaphor, then? For what? What does it mean to say that walking-writing “is viscous and intense”? Does it have to be collaborative? What if one is alone? Are one’s collaborators then more-than-human? Would they be more-than-human even if one were with other walkers? 

The first provocation, written in the imperative, states: “Read this section and then go on a walk. Queer the trail. Defamiliarize Euro-Western traditions and other heteronormative, solo peramulations that link walking with unfettered inspiration” (131). Again, heteronormative? What about, to take one example, Virginia Woolf? And I’m not entirely sure what, in this context “queer the trail” necessarily means. In any case, as promised, the section describes the work of a variety of artists and writers: “African American poet Harryette Mullen” and her 2014 book Urban Tumbleweed; Anishinaabe artist Lisa Myers’s Blueprints for a Long Walk project; “[t]rans Black artist and activist Syrus Ware’s practice,” which “takes on many different forms”; Latai Taumoepeau’s performances; and “queer Black writer Rahawa Haile,” who walked the Appalachian Trail (132-33). “In academic scholarship and popular literature, walking is extolled and prized because: it benefits health; inspires creativity; attunes the walker with the landscape; and is a tactic for re-writing the city,” Springgay and Truman state. “While these fraught inheritances nudge at our practice, WalkingLab has intentionally sought out collaborations with women walkers, Indigenous walkers, queer and trans walkers, differently abled walkers, and people of colour to Queer the Trail. This is the ethical-political thrust of our walking-writing practice” (133). That’s commendable, but what if one doesn’t fit those categories? What if one is a straight, White, cisgendered man in his mid-fifties? What then? I suppose that kind of person is excluded. That seems ironic, given the radically inclusive practice being advocated here—and yes, I know that the authors have already argued that inclusivity is the wrong way to frame the issue, but I’m pretty sure that going for a walk is volitional, rather than decisional, so I’m not convinced that the theoretical justification for those terms works in actual practice. And Springgay and Truman can collaborate with whomever they choose; I’m not really complaining. It’s time to let people from a variety of identities into the walking game. However, I’m still not quite sure what the command to “queer the trail” might mean for that hypothetical middle-aged man: to make walking strange and different and new, I suppose, perhaps through one of the prompts that follows.

“Walk two: differentiation” begins with a command to walk to a destination, but to walk “a different path than you might normally walk” and to “[w]alk slowly” (133). The text then describes the collaborative practice Springgay and Truman have developed. which involves periodic walking. “Walk three: surfaces” suggests that a long walk “surfaces” (134), drawing on the work of Kathleen Stewart, who “describes place through terms like atmosphere, surface, and event” (134). “Surfaces are ambient and effective,” they write. “Surfaces do not refer to a specific location or form but the tonality, the expressiveness, and undulation of body-space. Surfaces vibrate, flow, and move. Surfaces are not without duration” (134). A walk that surfaces is “visceral, bodied, and shimmer” (134). “Surfacing is writing,” they continue. “Surfacing writes the body” (134). “Surface walks foreground bodily intensity,” but they also “disorient and defamiliarize” (134-35). “Walk four: activation device” demands that the reader go for a walk with an activation device, which could be anything that enables a documentary or creative response to the walk. However, the prompt demands that the device not be used for documentary purposes, “but to alter the function of the walk” (135). “The activation device experiments with the walk and enables new ways of thinking-making-doing,” they explain. It “pushes walking-writing to an edge. It forces something new to occur. The activation device is not intended to extract or collect information, but to insert itself within the walking-writing practice as a thinking-making-doing” (135). One might carry helium balloons or a bucket of water or fill one’s pockets with rocks; it doesn’t matter, as long as one is able to “modify habits of walking through various modalities” (135). Those modifications, those activation devices, “rupture and queer the walk, they slow us down and change our gat, they problematize what it means to walk, they agitate and provoke,” they write (136). Activation devices “propel us into a speculative middle and churn our thinking. They surface. They function propositionally because we don’t have a clear procedure of how they will activate the walk beforehand. They are prompts for further walking-writing, as opposed to a representation of the walk” (136).

“Walk five: ‘with’” is a group activity (the group can be composed of humans or nonhumans), but the group “composes only one aspect of ‘with.’ ‘With’ is about co-composition rather than inclusive collaboration” (136). The purpose of the activity is to find a place where the group can write together (probably that will be more difficult for the nonhumans). WalkingLab organizes Itinerant Reading Salons, in which participants walk and read out loud (237). “Walk six: touch” calls upon readers to “[f]eel the haptic; the corporeal” while walking, preferably in a graveyard (because they evoke chronological time) (138). “Walking-writing invokes the intimacy and rhythm of touch,” they write. It evokes what Karen Barad calls “a queer self-touching” in which we “encounter an uncanny sense of the stranger or otherness within the self” which “is a queer perversion of being and time” (138). “Touch queers and perverts individual identity,” they continue, generating an ethics “that queers and undoes the limits of what counts as human or otherwise in the first place. Self-touching means thinking about alterity—our touching indifference—within ourselves. It requires an ethics response-able to the inhuman within us” (139). Walking-writing, they suggest, “recognizes the radical alterity and openness, the ongoing inventive intra-actions of difference that make up the world” (139). “Walk seven: contours” demands that the walker follow edges (141). “Walking-writing contours thinking-in-movement,” they write. “As a practice of edging, contours are thresholds—an in-between space. Thresholds are full of potentiality. They seed things” (141). Part of their own contouring “has been to hold in tension the history and inheritances of walking and walking methods. Who walks, how they walk, and where requires constant queering” (141). The book concludes with a sort of manifesto about their work:

Shifting the focus from walking as a method to move from one point to another, towards an emphasis on walking as an entangled, transmaterial, affective practice of experimentation, our research considers the ethical and political dimensions of ambulatory research. Frictionally theorizing walking scholarship with feminist new materialisms, posthumanisms, queer and trans theories, critical race theory, Indigenous scholarship, and critical disability studies offers vital interventions into walking’s potential as a research methodology. Our queer orientation to walking methodologies is significant because it emphasizes the speculative and experimental potential of walking as research, while simultaneously attending to the complexities of subjectivities, mobilities, and situatedness. Queering the Trail, as [a] concept for critical walking methodologies disrupts the all too common tropes of walkers drifting through the city or rambling along a country path, and the normative narratives that inscribe walking as inherently healthy and meditative. (142)

“Walking can be overlooked in qualitative research because of its able[i]st Euro-Western history or because it is assumed to be uncritical,” they continue (142). Other assumptions are that it is too quotidian in nature, or that it is romanticized “as a method to counter technology,” or that it is naively embodied (142). “The theories and experimentations that compose this book attest to walking’s capacity to interrupt these assumptions,” they write. “Walking-with becomes a practice of thinking-making-doing that attends to the transmaterial knottings between all matter” (142).

If I had the appropriate theoretical or philosophical background, or if the book’s form welcomed those without such a background into its argument, then I might be in a position to determine whether that concluding manifesto—or the rest of the book’s argument—holds up to scrutiny. But since I don’t, and it doesn’t, I can’t. However, the good news is that the references and citations, if pursued, ought to provide readers with a crash course in the theoretical background required to assess the book’s merits. After my comprehensive examinations are finished, I’ll start doing the work of acquiring that theoretical background. Springgay and Truman aren’t the only walking researchers or artists who begin with Deleuze and Guattari, assemblage theory, or affect theory. So I will need to catch up to my peers. Then perhaps the points in this text where I was left confused will become clear. Or perhaps they won’t: in either case, I’ll be returning to this frustrating text in the future.

Works Cited

Ahmed, Sara. Queer Phenomenology: Orientations, Objects, Others. Duke University Press, 2006.

Deidre Heddon and Cathy Turner. “Walking Women: Shifting the Tales and Scales of Mobility.” Contemporary Theatre Review, vol. 22, no. 2, 2012, pp. 224-36.

Smith, Phil. Making Site-Specific Theatre and Performance: A Handbook, Red Globe Press/Macmillan International, 2019.

Springgay, Stephanie, and Sarah E. Truman. Walking Methodologies in a More-than-Human World: WalkingLab, Routledge, 2018.

Young-Ing, Gregory. Elements of Indigenous Style: A Guide for Writing By and About Indigenous Peoples, Brush, 2018.

107. Leslie Brown and Susan Strega, eds., Research As Resistance: Critical, Indigenous, and Anti-oppressive Approaches

brown and strega research as resistance.jpg

I’m not the sharpest knife in the drawer, but I do know one thing: if your supervisor lends you something to read for your comprehensive exams, you really ought to read it. So I need to tackle the books on methodology and Indigenous performance that have been waiting for my attention. The first of those, Research As Resistance: Critical, Indigenous, and Anti-oppressive Approaches, edited by Leslie Brown and Susan Strega, is a collection of essays on methodologies in the social sciences. Some of them are helpful; others aren’t—that’s the nature of anthologies such as these. What makes this book important is the fact that while I’m not engaged in social-science research, I still have many things to learn, particularly about Indigenous methodologies. Unfortunately, even a focus on a few of the book’s chapters ended up generating very lengthy summaries. There’s a lot going on in this book, however, even in the chapters I chose to read, and that explains why the summaries are so long.

In the book’s introduction, its editors express their interest in exploring “the emancipatory possibilities of new approaches to research, even when these transgress the boundaries of traditional research and scholarship,” even though such transgressions can come at a cost, “given the extent to which we have all internalized dominant ideas about what constitutes ‘good’ research and ‘acceptable’ research practices” (1-2). The purpose of this book is to “push the edges of academic acceptability not because we want to be accepted within the academy but in order to transform it” (2). That’s a radical statement; anyone working within the academy probably does want, at some level, to be accepted by it, since such acceptance results in employment, tenure, and promotion. 

This issues discussed in this book, the editors continue, “are part of the challenge posed by the ‘crisis of representation’ that has confronted social science research over the last quarter century,” and they “stand in a line of feminists, critical race theorists, and postmodernists who have all problematized the Enlightenment paradigm that shapes both quantitative and qualitative approaches to research, and which gives rise to concepts such as ‘objectivity’ and ‘neutrality’” (2). “The principles of anti-oppressive practice, once restricted to the direct practice dimension, have begun to influence research practices and have contributed to these critiques by highlighting the relationship between the researcher and the ‘researched,’” they continue (3). However, “anti-oppressive and critical research methodologies still rate little more than a mention in most research methods textbooks” (4); as a result, those approaches have been marginalized, particularly by “the institutionalization of positivist research frameworks in mandatory ethical review procedures,” which consider participants in research projects to be “research ‘subjects’ in particular and limited ways,” which limits the extent to which “social justice researchers” are able “to consider ethical questions that are vitally important to them, such as voice, representation, and collaboration” (4). Moreover, this book appeared “at a time of positivist resurgence in the academy in general and in the ‘practice professions’ (social work, nursing, education) in particular,” partly as a result of the dominance of neoliberal economic ideologies which “have demanded that practice and policy be assessed in terms of fiscal accountability and little else” (5). “This book stands in opposition to those who would retrench positivism as the basis of research and practice in social work and other practice professions,” Brown and Strega write. “Instead, we hope to assist in exploring the transgressive possibilities of centring critical, Indigenous, and anti-oppressive approaches to research. We want to contextualize these approaches in terms of the social justice world views they embody and express” (6). 

At the same time, though, Brown and Strega do not intend to constrain or exclude other forms of research. “Rather, our intention is to contribute to the project of having research reflect, both in terms of its processes and in terms of the knowledge it constructs, the experience, expertise, and concerns of those who have traditionally been marginalized in the research process and by widely held beliefs about what ‘counts’ as knowledge,” they write (6).The notion of “research from the margins” is important for the editors. “Research from the margins is not research on the marginalized by research by, for, and with them/us,” they write. “It is research that takes seriously and seeks to trouble the connections between how knowledge is created, what knowledge is produced, and who is entitled to engage in these processes. It seeks to reclaim and incorporate the personal and political context of knowledge construction,” and “attempts to foster oppositional discourses, ways of talking about research, and research processes that explicitly and implicitly challenge relations of domination and subordination” (7). 

According to Brown and Strega, positivist or quantitative research—they suggest the two terms are synonyms—“continues to be the gold standard for social science research, and in the practice professions, this research is disproportionately favoured in funding, publication, and social policy decisions” (8). Qualitative social science methodologies are “generally positioned as positivism’s binary (though less valued) opposite” (8-9). Unlike quantitative researchers, who believe in neutrality and objectivity, qualitative researchers “see social reality as subjective, and their research practices involve observing and interpreting the meanings of social reality as various groups and individuals experience them” (9). However, qualitative research tends to contribute to the entrenchment of ideas about neutrality and objectivity “by utilizing alternative measures of rigour and validity, and insisting that researcher bias can be ‘bracketed’ so as not to influence research results” (9). I thought rigour and validity were good things; according to Brown and Strega, that belief is incorrect. In contrast, critical, Indigenous, and anti-oppressive research is “part of an emancipatory commitment,” and it seeks “to move beyond a critical social science to establish a position of resistance” (9). This book is therefore concerned “with the development of research approaches that empower resistance,” with empowerment defined in terms of “an analysis of power relations and a recognition of systemic oppression” (10). “Research that empowers resistance makes a contribution to individually and collectively changing the conditions of our lives and the lives of those on the margins,” Brown and Strega write. “By centring questions of whose interests are served not only by research products but also in research processes, it challenges existing relations of dominance and subordination and offers a basis for political action” (10).

A central aspect of the research methodologies that interest Brown and Strega is the notion that “research cannot challenge relations of dominance and subordination unless it also challenges the hegemony of current research paradigms” (10). One way of making such a challenge—of making “overt how power relations permeate the construction and legitimation of knowledge” (10)—is by revealing “the researcher’s location and political commitments, which are obscured by methodological claims to objectivity, neutrality, and gender and race-blindness” (10). “Thus, many of these chapters centre processes of reflexivity or self-reflexivity—the need and necessity for researchers to not only acknowledge but also examine their location and how that location permeates their inquiry at every level” (10).

Brown and Strega also believe “that multiple paradigms are an evolutionary necessity and part of a commitment to social justice, and thus it is not our intention to be definitive about what constitutes a critical or anti-oppressive methodology” (10). At the same time, though, they believe “that modifying traditional methodologies through sensitizing their methods and procedures to diversity and difference is far from enough” (10). Instead, “the centre/margin relationship and other binary hierarchies” need to be disrupted (11). This book, they write, “is an introduction, a starting point to encourage further exploration of alternative, critical, and anti-oppressive methodologies,” and it is intended for those 

who are interested in social science research that is expressly concerned with redressing oppression and committed to social justice—those who, because of their location on the margins, the marginalized locations of those with whom they are conducting research, and/or their own commitments to anti-oppressive practice, want to learn more about how to go about conducting this research. (11)

“Traditional social science research, whatever its intentions, has silenced and distorted the experiences of those on the margins, taking a deficit-informed approach to explaining their lives and experiences,” and devaluing, misinterpreting, and omitting their “histories, experiences, cultures, and languages (the ‘ways of knowing’),” leaving their knowledges “excluded or trivialized” (11). “The search for research methodologies that are capable of grasping the messy complexities of people’s lives, especially the lives of those on the margins, involves reclaiming these knowledges while simultaneously moving away from the binary conceptualizations fostered under existing research paradigms,” they write (11). (I can’t help thinking that artistic research might be able to get at those “messy complexities,” although it would have no credibility among social scientists as a form of research.) “The theoretical pieces and exemplars in this book focus on racialized, gendered, differently abled, and classed experiences form a strengths-based focus and as sources of strength,” they continue, thereby supporting “marginalized researchers attempting to cleave to the truth of their own experience” as well as offering “research ideas for those who are not from the margins, or who occupy both marginal and privileged spaces, but who want to engage in research practices from a position of solidarity with the marginalized” (11). 

Practitioners—nurses, teachers, and social workers, that is, and much of this book appears to be rooted in those disciplines—“are being encouraged to embrace research as a core feature of practice” (although the use of passive voice in that sentence obscures who is doing the encouraging), but such research tends to be “understood securely within a positivist/Enlightenment (White, heterosexual, patriarchal) framework” (12). I think what that means is that straight white men are considered to be the “universal” human according to positivist research paradigms. Brown and Strega don’t like the demand for positivist research, and suggest that “subjecting ourselves as well as our research methodologies and processes to standards of legitimacy that are ultimately not in our own interests” is a serious problem (12). “Now we have a chance to step into the research space that has been opened up by those on the margins,” they continue. “In acknowledging that previous efforts to develop critical social science have largely failed to contribute to anti-oppressive practice or policy making, we must ask different questions about how to construct and conduct our inquiries” (12). This book, then, is for those “research practitioners” who are “in search of transgressive possibilities” (12).

Margaret Kovach’s “Emerging from the Margins: Indigenous Methodologies” is the book’s first essay, and one of the most important for my purposes; I’ve read her 2009 book, Indigenous Methodologies: Characteristics, Conversations, and Contexts, and really ought to read it again as part of this project, because a) it’s important and b) I’ve forgotten much of what she says. Perhaps, though, I could consider this essay a refresher. Kovach begins by suggesting that “Indigenous researchers (and by that I mean Indigenous peoples) make research political simply by being who we are” (20). For that reason, value-neutral research methodologies “are not likely to be part of the Indigenous researcher’s experience and as such we have a natural allegiance with emancipatory research approaches” (20-21). “The challenge for Indigenous research will be to stay true to its own respective theoretical roots of what counts as emancipatory as it ventures into mainstream academia,” she continues (21). Emancipatory research includes a variety of methodologies, Kovach writes. “The epistemological assumptions of these varied methodologies contend that those who live their lives in marginal places of society experiencing silencing and injustice,” and that silencing within research and the production of knowledge “is significant and disturbing” (21). “To discuss liberating research methodologies without critical reflection on the university’s role in research and producing knowledge is impossible,” she suggests (21). 

Part of what Kovach is interested in doing is looking at Indigenous methodologies and their potential relationship with emancipatory research. “While emancipatory methodologies are distinct from each other and stem from different epistemologies, they share similar principles,” she writes. “For example, Indigenous methodology flows from Indigenous ways of knowing (epistemology), incorporating an Indigenous theoretical perspective and using aligned methods (e.g., qualitative interviews, storytelling)” (22). Research is a way of contributing to the struggle against social injustices experienced by Indigenous peoples in Canada; both research “and the control of research findings” have been “critical in pushing forward community-based goals of self-determination” (23). Taking control of Indigenous research “has been a long, arduous struggle with Indigenous peoples acutely aware of the power politics of knowledge,” and it “has been pivotal for Indigenous peoples in decolonization” (23). Participatory research “has been an ally,” she continues: “The critical, collective, and participatory principles of participatory research has made it a popular methodology for many Indigenous projects in Canada” (23). Protocols for such research were developed by the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, and more recently by the Indigenous Governance program at the University of Victoria; these protocols highlight “the need for participation in all levels of research by the Indigenous participants and that the research benefit the community in some manner” (23-24). “The language of participation and community benefit show evidence of a shared goal—that research should be respectful and honour relationships in addition to research outcomes,” she continues (24).

The language used in describing research methodologies is important, according to Kovach. “For Indigenous research there are two difficulties here,” she writes. “One difficulty arises from indigenizing a Western concept such as research, which is rigid with definitional categories, evaluative criteria, outcomes, and goals. The second relates to language and epistemology—how it influences how we think, feel, and act” (25). “An Indigenous epistemology is a significant aspect of Indigenous methodology and suggests and Indigenous way of functioning in the world,” she continues (27). Such an epistemology would include “a way of knowing that is fluid” and “experiential, derived from teachings transmitted from generation to generation by storytelling; each story is alive with the nuances and wisdom of the storyteller” (27). It would emerge from Indigenous languages which emphasize verbs rather than nouns (27). It would involve “a knowing within the subconscious that is garnered through dreams and vision” (27). It would be “a knowledge that is both intuitive and quiet” (27). “Indigenous ways of knowing arise from interrelationships with the human world, the spirit, and the inanimate entities of the ecosystem,” and they also “encompass the spirit of collectivity, reciprocity, and respect” (27-28). Indigenous knowledge “is born of the land and the locality of the tribe”; it is “purposeful and practical,” “organic with emphasis of reciprocity and humour,” “both cerebral and heartfelt” (28). This description, it seems to me, asserts a tremendous difference between Indigenous epistemology and the epistemology that informs Settler ways of knowing (and thus most research), but Kovach suggests that “several key assertions that can guide research” can be drawn from Indigenous epistemology:

(a) experience as a legitimate way of knowing; (b) Indigenous methods, such as storytelling, as a legitimate way of sharing knowledge; (c) receptivity and relationship between researcher and participants as a natural part of the research “methodology”; and (d) collectivity as a way of knowing that assumes reciprocity to the community (meaning both two-legged and four-legged creatures). (28)

“An Indigenous epistemology within Indigenous research projects is important because Indigenous peoples will likely understand and share their experience from this perspective,” Kovach writes (28).

Connected to epistemology “is the role of an Indigenous theoretical framework in research” (28). “An Indigenous perspective/theory encompasses an Indigenous way of knowing”; it incorporates “a decolonizing objective”; “it is founded on collectivist research principles (and respects the inherent ethics and protocols associated”; “it has an ecological basis that is respectful of the natural world”; and it “values authentic/organic techniques in data collection” (28-29). (A note indicates that this list isn’t definitive, but rather a starting point [34].) How do epistemology and theory link to methodology? Kovach asks (29). Methodology, she suggests, is “theory that guides method,” while methods are “the techniques that a researcher uses” (29). Indigenous methodology “does not easily fit into a pre-existing Western category” (29). However, “methodology is about process,” and the “three key themes of Indigenous methodology (all grounded in Indigenous epistemology and theory)” that Kovach wants to highlight are “(a) the relational; (b) the collective; (c) and methods” (29-30). 

By “relational,” Kovach means that “Indigenous ways of knowing have a basis in the relationships that are inclusive of all life forms”:

The philosophical premise of take what you need (and only what you need), give back, and offer thanks suggests a deep respect for other living beings. Integral in Indigenous methodologies is this foundational philosophy. A relationship-based model of research is critical for carrying out research with Indigenous communities on several levels. Philosophically, it honours the cultural value of relationship, it emphasizes people’s ability to shape and change their own destiny, and it is respectful. By relationship, I mean a sincere, authentic investment in the community; the ability to take time to visit with people from the community (whether or not they are research participants); the ability to be humble about the goals; and conversations at the start about who owns the research, its use and purpose (particularly if it is academic research). (30)

“Relationship-based research can irritate the individualistic, clinical, outcome-oriented research process,” Kovach admits, but in Indigenous communities “a relationship-based approach is a practical necessity because access to the community is unlikely unless time is invested in relationship building” (30). 

Kovach suggests that “the philosophical premise of relationship” is woven together with “the collective underpinning of Indigenous research”:

The collective nature of Indigenous culture is evident in traditional economic, political, and cultural systems. It is almost instinctive—Indigenous peoples know that you take care of your sister and brother (the extended family, not just the nuclear one), and that’s just the way it is. Inherent in this understanding of life is reciprocity and accountability to each other, the community, clans, and nations. It is a way of life that creates a sense of belonging, place, and home; however, it doesn’t serve anonymity or rugged individualism well. (30)

Western research tends to be individualistic, with a principal investigator “designing the methodologies, documenting the findings, and publishing the report” (30). But Indigenous research is accountable to the community; it “must meet the criteria of collective responsibility and accountability. In protocols for Indigenous research, this is a central theme,” and as Indigenous research enters the university, “this principle needs to stay up close and personal” (31).

There is a link between methods and methodology in Indigenous research, Kovach suggests: “Research methods or techniques to gather data have expanded to fit a more expansive range of methodological choices,” and she believes “that Indigenous research will further broaden the range of methods in research” to include things like dreams and solitude with nature (31). “It will be an exciting new dialogue about what counts as legitimate knowledge and how that knowledge is garnered,” she writes (31). Indigenous research also involves “a plethora of conflicts,” “a maze of ethical issues compounded by the real need to sleep at night because there is so much work to do” (31). In particular, “[t]he issues arising from a relational research approach rooted in a collectivist epistemology brings to light distinct dilemmas for researchers,” particularly the issue of how much knowledge can be shared and how much “needs to be kept sacred” (31). “Questions about purpose, benefit, and protection of research subjects may arise across a range of methodologies,” Kovach writes, but “it is the answers to these questions and the standards regarding community accountability in a collectivist, relational research model that will be different” (31-32). “I propose that epistemology, theory, methods, and ethical protocols are integral to Indigenous methodology,” Kovach states, noting that such a methodology cannot be too narrowly defined because it “shape shifts in the form of theory, methods, and ethics” (32).

Indigenous people have “been researched to death,” Kovach continues, and much of that research has had no benefit to the communities involved (32). “Those of use who have pursued academic study and dipped our toes into the murky pool of research have obligations to use our skills to improve the socio-economic conditions of Indigenous peoples,” she argues, and that means “defining the research inquiry based on actual, not presumed, need and by designing a research process that is most effective in responding to our inquiries,” in using “research as a practical tool” (32-33). “The greatest ally of Indigenous research,” she continues, “will be those non-Indigenous ‘methodologies from the margins’ that do not hide from but embrace the political nature of research. The sustained autonomy but continued alliance between such approaches is critical. Mutually beneficial and open-spirited dialogue that is critically reflective of each other’s practice will be necessary for growth” (33). However, it seems that the most important thing about Indigenous research is its humility, since “research is, after all, just a way to find out things. As Indigenous peoples, we have lots of work ahead of us, and taking back research is one of many tasks on the list” (33). But, Kovach concludes, quoting Eber Hampton, Indigenous peoples are relentless, as well as “strong, and still here” (33-34).

I made what I hope was an appropriate strategic decision after reading Kovach’s essay: I decided I would focus on the book’s discussions of Indigenous methodologies and ignore the other chapters. That meant skipping over Mehmoona Moosa-Mitha’s “Situating Anti-Oppressive Theories Within Critical and Difference-Centred Perspectives,” which argues 

that liberalism, Marxism, and White feminism overlook the socio-political realities and oppression that individuals and collectivities experience on the basis of their “multiple differences” from the White, male (although White feminists do undertake gendered analysis), heterosexual, able-bodied norm. Thus, while they may reflect a critical theoretical orientation, they fail to take difference seriously. On the other hand, I also argue that postmodern theories are more inclusive in their orientation, taking a difference-centred stance without necessarily taking on a critical perspective. Hence they do not necessarily position themselves within oppositional knowledge claims that attempt to dismantle and contest hegemonic representation of the “Other.” (37-38)

For Moosa-Mitha, “anti-oppressive theories are discrete from other social theories,” because “the engage in a conversation with other social theories that is dialectical in nature, where they contest, influence, and are in turn influenced by the ontological and epistemological assumptions of a spectrum of social theories” (38). Such “‘conversations’ . . . influence and affect social theories, including anti-oppressive theories,” in a “process that is both creative and unpredictable so that over time it is not always easy or possible to distinguish all the various strands that come together in any one theoretical framework” (38). It also meant ignoring Sally A. Kimpson’s “Stepping Off the Road: A Narrative (of) Inquiry,” in which she “focuses on research that . . . uses an autobiographical narrative approach to inquire about my experience of being a beginning researcher struggling with issues of power and representation at work in the research I was doing as part of a graduate degree” (73). “In undertaking this kind of anti-oppressive research methodology,” she continues, “I have felt the power of . . . disciplinary norms and their role in suppressing the experiences of women . . . in this case myself as a disabled woman” (73). I’m interested in autobiographical or autoethnographic narratives, but not as a form of social science research. I also passed over “Supporting Young People’s Transitions From Care: Reflections on Doing Participatory Action Research with Youth from Care,” by Deb Rutman, Carol Hubberstey, April Barlow, and Erinn Brown, which “highlights our experiences of conducting research that was inclusive of young people form care who had lived expertise of the care system, but who lacked formal research training or education,” and “the challenges, opportunities, contradictions, and contributions of this type of participatory approach” (154). That essay seems rather far from my own project—far enough that I could probably safely pass it by. Nor did I read “Becoming an Anti-Oppressive Researcher” by Karen Potts and Leslie Brown,” which seemed to be aimed at beginning graduate students in the social sciences, a category that excludes me. And after much consideration I decided not to read Rena Miller’s “Wife Rena Teary,” an account of her encounter with the palliative care system (181), or Susan Strega’s “The View From the Poststructural Margins: Epistemology and Methodology Reconsidered,” since I’m not particularly interested in attempting to use feminist postructuralism in my work, even though Strega argues that it “offers a useful approach for those seeking a social justice orientation in their research” (200).

However, the decision to focus on essays on Indigenous methodologies almost led me to ignore Fairn herising’s “Interrupting Positions: Critical Thresholds and Queer Pro/Positions,” which “presents some ways to critically explore the stances of researchers who work with/in marginal communities,” in particular “the politics of location between the researcher and the communities that we propose to enter, or the relational locations that I call ‘the thresholds of passages,’” locations that “contain continuities and discontinuities between the researcher and the entryways to the communities we desire to work with and for under the rubric of research” (128). “I propose and explore queer flexibilities and the ex-centric researcher as counter-hegemonic positions and stances that researchers can employ in forging politically ethical relations with marginal communities,” herising writes (129). Maybe herising’s use of the word “queer” might connect with Sara Ahmed’s notion of a “queer phenomenology,” I thought, and the notion of being on a threshold, neither here nor there but in between, might be of some use. At the outset, though, herising writes, 

I want to challenge the notion that there is a fixed point or moment when one is a researcher or when one does research. I want to envision each and every process of researching as thresholds, where we critically attend to the complexities, tensions, and possibilities of arrivals and exists, where we are accountable to our different research relationships within various passageways. (129)

So, for herising, using the term “research” means inserting “a critical position where historical conditions and relations are centralized within the need and desire to change contemporary social and political conditions” (129). In other words, herising continues, “I understand research to mean re/search/in-g: that is, the ongoing social, historical, and political dialectical processes whereby subjects, disciplines, and practices are engaged in renewal, critical interruptions, and critical praxis” (129-30). How dividing the word “researching” into pieces conveys that understanding is beyond me, though.

Nevertheless, herising goes on to discuss the notion of “thresholds of passageways,” an idea which focuses on “the physical and psychological places of entry into communities” and on “forging relationships” (130). “The threshold is both the entryway and the marker for the spaces that demarcate the boundaries of inside and outside, of belonging and un-belonging,” she writes. “By attending to thresholds of passageways, the borders that exist between the researcher and the research participants are contested; it is essential to continually turn to negotiate these borders given the cultures and knowings that exist and are produced in relationship to each other” (130). This spatial metaphor—I think it’s a metaphor—is intended to move herising’s thinking “away form notions of origin and fixed identities to specific subjectivities and subject positions, highlighting the relational nature of spaces and concepts of spaciousness” (130). 

Critical research “that attends to thresholds of passageways” means engaging with “substantive questions,” which include: 

[H]ow do we negotiate the chasm between ourselves and the communities we propose to research? How are the places between these relational sites envisioned? What is the significance of negotiating the spaces between researchers, the communities in which we reside (including the marginal communities we are a part of), and the communities we are researching? What are the frictions and dissonances within and between these spaces? What aspects of our beliefs, values, identities, and knowledges to we need to disinherit, disavow, decentre, disrupt, claim, reinsert, or centre in order to work with various communities? What are the necessary politically ethical grounds that need to be cultivated and sustained to engage and recognize various thresholds in and through multiple research passageways? In what ways do we attend to our knowledges, and ethically and politically align ourselves to the vision and struggles of marginal peoples and politics in research? (130-31)

“It is essential that we critically question and consider the value of finding passages to and through research thresholds,” herising continues. “Thus, it is important to ask in what ways is the act of ‘finding’ these passages different from any imperialist/colonizing project?” (131). Research can be a “colonial and colonizing project,” particularly if discussions about making the researchers’ ideological or political biases visible sneak notions of objectivity back into the picture “by proposing that we can fully know ourselves, and that the Self is now transparent to others and Others” (131). Such notions of transparency “may become an excuse for not fully attending to the complex interrelationships and socio-political conditions of and in research” (131). In addition, such discussions “can collapse into regulatory prescriptive methods of ‘working with marginalized communities,’ thus neutralizing and masking the political foundations and emancipatory possibilities of such forms of research” (131). They can leave unquestioned “the taken-for-granted inherent right of entry” of the researcher to another’s community (131). 

For herising, it is essential to think about “the contexts and tensions of entering communities, notably the ways in which the context of history, colonizations, discipline, and institutions shape research priorities and formulations” (132). “How might we decentralize the focus on research that these questions engender, and instead shift to centralizing communities and forging collectivity and solidarity of visions?” she asks. “What questions enable me/us to attend to the various passageways that we travel and negotiate was we come to and through various thresholds?” (132). The desire to and necessity of entering the space of Others needs to be questioned, herising argues:

How and why are the borders of Otherness created? How and why might research and researching reconstitute the borders of Otherness? What are the imperatives that guide the “need to know” that inform and shape the ways in which we enter communities? Why, and in whose interests, are differences enacted that highlight research participants as Othered? (132)

“Guided by these questions while probing for new ones,” herising continues, “I want to further politicize the threshold of passages by critically examining the stances, attitudes, and encumbrances of researchers, in particular, the role that the researcher occupies in researching marginal communities” (132). Such researchers have often been “accused of participating in research that is asymmetrical and lacking in reciprocity in their excavation or retrieval of information,” and the forms such researchers take have included “the explorer” and “the traveler,” characters “who extract and exploit knowledges, or construct a partial knowledge that serves within institutional containment of valued narratives without much, if any, critical interventions or transformative shifts with marginal communities” (132). Critical researchers, herising writes, “need to substantially rethink what it is we are doing when we conveive research as we do by unravelling places of privilege within research relations” (132).

For herising, the point is to focus “on the positionality of the researcher,” and in particular, the researcher’s power, authority, and privilege (133). “In order to engage our research with politicized ethic and integrity and to attend to the nuances and specificities of our work,” she continues, “it is necessary to attend to the varying plexus and intersecting trajectories of power, authority, identity, difference, subjectivity, agency, dissent, resistance, and suspicion,” which requires attention to “the politics of location” (133). According to herising, the term “politics of location” is “a means of interrupting and accounting for the formulations and constructions of one’s social-political locations,” which requires engaging in “critically reflective processes that speak to multiple power relations” (133). “The imperative for researchers,” herising argues, “is to take a critically active stance that takes into account (and accounts for) multiple histories and traces diverse trajectories that give shape to various meanings, authorities, power, and ways of knowing” (133). Might not all of this accounting, though, prevent the research from taking place?

“[T]he politics of location,” as Adrienne Rich meant when she coined the phrase, “was a call for feminists to interrogate the linkages between feminist theory and feminist practices and to examine whose theories/practices were being privileged,” herising continues. “In its broadest usage, the term is used as a means of acknowledging differentially situated subjects (difference), and to interrogate the positions of privileged identities and histories” (134). By “examining our own politics of location in relation to the subjects of our research,” we “can shift the terms of our inquiry. This examination is an invitation for us to become more accountable to our inquiries, to the processes of our research, and ultimately to the voices of the margins” (134). She cites Chandra Talpade Mohanty’s work as “an indictment of those strains of Western feminist scholarship that reproduced, however ‘innocently,’ the altruistic missionary/explorer position,” suggesting that such scholarship “not only relegate and solidify the marginal as Other, but in doing so, consolidate their own locus of power” (134-35). “Through such constructions, and the investments in marginalizing Others, the result is to deny marginalized peoples their political and historical agency,” she continues (135). 

For herising, Mohanty’s work suggests ways that research can be used “to combat the multifaceted and multiple localities of oppressions:

First, we must resist easy generalizations; we need to avoid being reductive in our constructions and formulations of the Other. By situating and contextualizing ourselves, and ourselves in relation to the subjects of our research, our work can provide strategies for oppositional narratives and oppositional politics. As well, by understanding the contradictions in the locations of marginal people within differing structures, we can better devise effective political action. (135)

Isn’t it possible, though, that the role of devising political action rests with the “marginal people” themselves? Citing Mohanty, herising suggests that privilege engenders blindness to those without privilege. “Uncontested, privileging privilege cannot provide us with alternative accounts of justice or the ethical grounds to forge relations for political struggles within our research,” herising contends (135-36). 

Moreover, “[a] critical engagement with a politic of location has implications for the relationships formed between researchers and communities, and for the utility and applicability of research as a politicized and active endeavour that interrupts the dominant narratives and textualities of marginal lives,” herising writes. “By situating ourselves in history and the contents of our own multiple locations, we can move toward working through and with differences based on multiple subjectivities” (136). Such attention to location and to difference can allow “us to forge solidarity on grounds that reject essentialist categories and demarcate the multiple sites of struggles” (136). “Politics of location has been used”—the passive voice here obscures who has used it—“to signal and incorporate ‘what is going on’ in the research process; that research is shaped and reshaped according to self-critique, which needs to be embedded in the various steps of research, the chosen methodologies, and in the findings and discussion,” herising writes. “The emphasis in this section is to engage in an ongoing enquiry of a politics of location that is continuous, connected, specific, and emerging in any research process as a means of always questioning and queering the thresholds of re-search-ing” (137). A politics of location is not, however, “about enumerating one’s categorical list of identities as a researcher, although this may serve as a useful point of entry,” herising argues. “Nor is the politics of location meant to serve as an apology at the end of one’s research discussion” (137). Listing one’s identities, for instance, can suggest “that the subjects of research are vastly or strangely different from ourselves, and that the researchers and research subject are socially and politically isolated in relationship to one another, or that we are internally and exclusively coherent identities,” or assume “a fixed, generic, and linear version of identity, which in turn limits our ability to engage with the complex matrix that forms and informs one’s critical self-inquiry” (137-38). In addition, “[p]olitics of location ultimately can become a reified academic state, where it becomes a tool for cementing fixed hegemonic relations” (138). Honestly, with all of these caveats, it’s not entirely clear why herising thought the notion of “politics of location” might be productive of anything positive in the first place.

Not surprisingly, herising shifts from “politics of location” to “politics of accountability”: “I want to draw attention to accountability to ensure that in stressing the critical need to ‘interrogate’ and deconstruct the markers of privilege, I do not wish to leave an impression that this is sufficient to gain entry into ‘othered’ worlds” (138-39). “Politics of location in and of itself is not necessarily transformative,” she continues. “My emphasis here is to seek ways in which we build in, with, and on the processes of attending to differences within the purview of accountability, our politically ethical responsibilities to communities under/within our gaze” (139). “Whether we practise our research from liberatory, critical, and/or radical standpoints,” she writes, “we cannot claim epistemological or ontological innocence, for we are not outside of the conditions, contexts, and positionalities of life and living” (139). Therefore, researchers “must forge and centralize a politic of accountability to communities who are/have been subjects of research,” an accountability that “must be politically and ethically enacted continuously with and in research, an ethic that calls for us to shift, change, or disinherit some of our ideas, practices, methods, and interpretations if we want to sustain politically ethical relationships with marginal communities” (139). Researchers “need to ensure that we do not reproduce patterns and processes of colonization or ‘epistemic violence’ in relation to marginal knowledges,” and “to be attentive to how we relate to and with communities, and to engage politics of location continuously in order to forestall the commodification or fetishizing of marginal identities, knowledges, ways of being, and communities” (139-40). “If we are to produce research that benefits marginal communities and promotes justice,” herising continues, “we must be accountable to marked privileges by rigorously attending to the politics of transformative methodologies and epistemologies, particularly situated epistemologies” (140). Unfortunately, herising doesn’t distinguish between epistemologies and “situated epistemologies” here; that distinction is clearly important, but it remains unclear.

In the essay’s next section, herising turns to the notions of “queer flexibilities and the ex-centric researcher,” which she suggests guide her “explorations” (140). “Queer flexibilities provide both a conceptual framework and a theoretical paradigm for critical research, while the ex-centric embodies the performative modes of research,” she writes. “Ex-centricity is thus housed in the theoretical propositions of queer flexibilities” (140). These are not “static models,” but rather “possible stances and positions,” and she offers them “as a means of beginning/continuing a dialogue about the nuanced relationships between researcher and researched communities” (140). While herising is mindful of the historical origins of the recuperation of the word “queer,” she suggests that it—or perhaps transdisciplinary queer theory—“challenges the assumed coherency and stability of chromosomal sex, gender, and sexual desire and posits that identity is neither fixed nor determinate, but socially constructed and contingent on time and context” (140). She cites Judith Butler’s “reading of queer as a category that will always be in the flux of ‘becoming’ in its venture to avoid naturalization and homogenization, and to be disruptive of coherent articulations of sex, gender, and desire” (140-41). “It is from this definition of queer that I wish to read the strategic position and disrupt the subjectivity of ‘researcher,” herising continues. “I want to explore the political potential of queer politics for research and researchers as offering a possible method of traversing thresholds in order to maintain ethical and political affiliations to our research relationships” (141). 

First, herising argues that “like queer theory’s attention to disrupting the normative, the naturalized, and the hegemonic . . . the position of the researcher needs to be similarly deconstructed” (141). In other words, 

queer theory may be used to decentre the very position of the researcher, to renegotiate the elements that “fix” researchers to their identity categories, to question the assumptions of one’s research ideas/methodologies, to consider that which is considered outside the norm of research, and to interrogate the trajectories of power and knowledge in using the margins to define multiple central locations. (141)

This understanding of “queer,” herising continues, “requires a stance that is oppositional; it defies attempts at assimilation, co-optation, exploitation, and appropriation” (141). This “call to adopt an attitude of epistemic uncertainty is paradoxical to what we come to know academically, where claims to know are cherished, where contributions to cultivating specifics of disciplines are notarized to ensure upward mobility, and, above all, where accumulated knowledges provide the credibility that underpins belonging in the academy,” herising writes (141-42). “Queer flexibilities foreground curiosity, and maintain a stance that is willing not only to critically identify and name oppression, but also seek to understand and dismantle the workings and processes of oppression,” she continues. “Allowing for marginal or deviant knowledges requires a dismantling of inherited and cultivated knowledges, and to explore the nuanced spaces of oppression rather than a mere acknowledgment of difference” (142). For herising, “maintaining a queer flexibility is a critical tool in disrupting what and how we know” which positions us “to let difference live” and to “find pleasures in the ambiguities of multifocaled thresholds” (142). “In turn, this openness can create alternative strategies and visions for a radical praxis, where bordered and domesticated claims of knowledge are contested, challenged, decentred in order to engage processes of alteration, regeneration, and transformation,” herising states. “Queer flexibilities incite a desire to find differing thresholds, multiple thresholds so that we continually return to thresholds that disjuncture normative relations” (142). Queer understandings of resistance are “both relational and oppositional,” and suggest that researchers have “a responsibility to dissenting politics” despite institutional or disciplinary pressures (142-43). “Furthermore, in queering one’s research, one needs to resist assimilationist and co-optive strategies exercised by the dominant to ensure that the very strategies that ‘define’ queer (provision and contingent, transdisciplinary, subversive rather than regulatory, and so forth) are not reproduced,” herising argues (143).

Next herising turns to the “ex-centric researcher” (143). This figure “is closely aligned to the conceptual spaces of queer flexibilities,” because “ex-centric researchers stand in defiance of dominant sites of privilege, and are critically engaged in divesting themselves of their centred locations, interests, and agendas” (143). They also “know the value of subjugated knowledges” and “focus on the commitments to relationships and the struggles to create the spaces for ethical dialogue with ‘Others’” (143). “Ex-centrics are those who commit themselves to knowing their history, and the ways in which their histories are constituted through others as one of the precursors to forming politically ethical relationships,” herising continues. “Most saliently, ex-centrics are drawn to standing outside of the centre, embracing the borderlands of various worlds because ex-centrics do not belong to any one world” (143). However, herising is quick to point out that her use of the term “ex-centric” is not intended to “valorize and romanticize the alienation associated with ex-centric subjectivities” (143). Rather, she contends that “[e]x-centricity focuses primarily on process; it is provisional and relational to the borders between various academic sites and communities, and to our own relationship and commitment to our discipline” (143). It is a “process whereby we can interrupt the terms of ‘business as usual’ and disrupt the processes that enable the academy to maintain its exclusion of ideas and knowledges that conflict with existing established knowledges” (143). (I’m starting to get confused about which knowledge is which.) “Becoming ex-centric allows for a critical stance that can challenge the reconfiguration and tightening of borders of exclusion and denial, while building solidarity with and commitment to (O)ther communities/identities/spaces,” herising continues (143).

For herising, the writings of bell hooks, Gloria Anzaldua, and Edward Said “describe their experience of life in the marginal locations between various axes and nexus of power” (144). She cites hooks’s essay, “Choosing the Margin as a Space of Radical Openness” for its “interplay between struggle and resistance, where she can find the multiple voices and discourses within her” (144). Occupying the margins, herising contends, allows hooks “to occupy where the process of revisioning can occur,” and “[t]he process of decentring and choosing the margin is a radical political act” (144). However, choosing the margins does not mean “occupying marginality”; rather, by “[a]ttending to the transformative potential of the margin, hooks characterizes the space of the margins as a radically open and unfolding subject position” (144). For herising, “hooks offers strategy and the necessity of ex-centricity. She refers to the possibilities of solidarity and collectivity in the fissures between privileged and marginal communities” (145).

Gloria Anzaldúa, on the other hand, “provides a slightly different look at the traits of an ex-centric researcher” by speaking to “the different worlds that she intersects; she is the bridge to cultures and identities to build a new world” (145). That “new world” seems to be defined by borders: “Borderland is the space where one finds comfort in ambiguity and contradiction, where we eschew comfort and safety to making ourselves vulnerable to different ideas, thoughts, and ways of being” (145). (Does one find comfort or eschew it? Can one do both simultaneously?) “To allow ourselves to be vulnerable to shifting means that the space where comfort is found is no longer comfortable; for shifting requires seeing ‘what’ and ‘who’ defines comfort is always historically and politically implicated,” herising continues (145). “The dislodging of hegemonic comfort zones may provide a different lens and require us to forge a different kind of relationship with marginal communities,” and by becoming “an ex-centric,” one may be able “to find the pleasures of possibilities in the struggles of positioning oneself at the intersections of contradictory and disagreeable discourses where there are penalties to be paid, and where transformational possibilities [lie] in creating research that is meaningful and engages social justice” (145).

Finally, in his Reith Lectures at the BBC, Said “talks of the role and representation of intellectuals,” speaking to “this process of ex-centricity through his metaphorical use of the term ‘exile’” (145-46). Of course, for Said “exile” wasn’t just a metaphor; it was literal as well. In any case, herising suggests that Said outlines the advantages of being an exile or an outsider: “this space clarifies the historical processes that shape how things have come to be as they are”; exile also frees the exiled intellectual “from the bonds of conventional measures of intellectualism” (146). This definition, herising, continues, “offers vision and clarity for the queer ex-centric researcher. His proposals for ex-centricity invite curiosity and allow a critical and questioning stance,” while they also “call for risk taking and becoming somewhat comfortable with loneliness, for ex-centricity can often be isolating” (146). To be “ex-centric” is to be “disloyal to the reconstitution and reproduction of hegemonic processes and dominant ideology,” about “engaging with the shortcomings of knowledges and maintaining skepticism of truths borne in knowledge” (146). The use of hooks, Anzaldúa, and Said as examples does help to clarify herising’s argument, but an example of tangible community research would have done more to make her points clear. After all, using theorists to illustrate theory is one thing; using practice to illustrate theory—if practice is the actual goal in this activity—would be something else altogether. Nonetheless, there’s a lot in herising’s essay to think about, and it suggests that I ought to return to hooks’s essay at some point, since the details of its argument are fading from my memory.

Now I have only two essays left to discuss—both on Indigenous methodologies. The first,  which is in part more of a dialogue between its authors than an essay, is “Putting Ourselves Forward: Location in Aboriginal Research,” by Kathy Absolon and Cam Willet. This chapter begins with “one of the most fundamental principles of Aboriginal research methodology”: “the necessity for the researcher to locate him or herself” (97). I immediately found myself wondering if there was any overlap between this notion of location and herising’s “politics of location.” “We are of the opinion that neutrality and objectivity do not exist in research, since all research is conducted and observed through human epistemological lenses,” they write. “Therefore, in this chapter we advocate that location is essential to Indigenous methodologies and Aboriginal research/world view/epistemologies. As Aboriginal researchers, we write about ourselves and position ourselves at the outset of our work because the only thing we can write about with authority is ourselves” (97). That sounds quite limiting, but perhaps that’s because I’m used to a more imperial version of research; it could also be that, since I’m used to writing about literary texts, I’m also used to reading the stories of people who are very different from me, culturally, socially, historically, or geographically. Or it could be because I don’t quite understand the importance of location in Indigenous research methodologies and need to shut up and keep reading. Location is an essential part of research by or about Indigenous peoples, Absolon and Willet continue, since “[t]he actual research cannot take place without the trust of the community, and one way to gain trust is to locate yourself” (97). Although Absolon and Willet are writing “from an Indigenous voice to Indigenous researchers/students,” they suggest that other researchers who see “their position, history, and/or experiences as pivotal to their research process may benefit from it” (97). 

“In our experience as Indigenous peoples, the process of telling a story is as much the point as the story itself,” Absolon and Willet write. “We resist colonial models of writing by talking about ourselves first and then relating pieces of our stories and ideas to the research topic. Rather than revealing the lesson or central point in an epiphany within a key statement, we hope that we have woven our ideas in this chapter within and beyond our dialogue and discourse” (98). So, no thesis statements here: instead, Absolon and Willet state that they “rely on the intelligence and imagination of readers to draw their own interpretations and conclusions about the role and purpose of putting ourselves forward in research” (98). In fact, the repetition of the notion of location indicates what their main point is. Locating oneself “is about relationships to land, language, spiritual, cosmological, political, economical, environmental, and social elements in one’s life,” they continue (98). Absolon identifies herself as an Anishinabe women whose mother lost her status by marrying a non-Indigenous man: “this sets forth the complexities of my political, racial, or cultural location as an Aboriginal women in Canada,” she writes. “I am remembered and I re-member and this makes my existence visible” (98-99). She writes of her experiences in the bush, learning “to search for food, wood, plants, medicines, and animals,” and suggests that “growing up in the bush equipped me with an extraordinary set of research skills” (99). “In my work I often find myself trail-blazing, cutting through ideologies, attitudes, and structures ingrained in Euro-Western thought that can make the path for Aboriginal self-determination difficult, even impassable,” she continues. “I expose people to new ideas and different ways of thinking, being, and doing. I am a visionary with thoughts and dreams about life as an Anishinabe person” (99). The only voice Absolon can represent, she concludes, is her own, and that is where she places herself (99). Like Absolon, Willet’s mother also lost her Indian status by marrying a non-Indigenous man until Bill C-31 changed that odious law. She also survived residential school. He is Cree from Saskatchewan. He remembers growing up on a farm off the reserve and experiencing racism at school. Those experiences left him with many unanswered questions, he writes: “Remembering and reflecting on my experiences as an Aboriginal person is Aboriginal re-search. Through the telling and retelling of my story, I am able to reclaim, revise, and rename it so that I come to a new understanding of it” (101).

However, Absolon and Willet don’t agree about the appropriate answer to the question “Where are you from?” (101). Willet thinks that question is asking about geographical location, but Absolon doesn’t think that community and reserve are synonymous: “I think a reserve is a fabricated and constructed mythology” (101). She believes that the question of origins is about a spiritual identity: “Who you are speaks to your ancestors, When you say who you are, it acknowledges them. It acknowledges them if you have a name that is your spirit name or saying your name in your language also acknowledges who you are in relation to the creator and the spirit because that’s your spirit name” (102). This approach is so different from my connection, or lack of connection, to my own ancestors; it’s one example of how a môniyâw like me will find borrowing or even learning from Indigenous research methodologies difficult.

When Willet meets someone doing research in an Indigenous community, he wonders what that person’s stake in the community might be. “The things I might say depend on whether I believe I am talking to an insider or an outsider,” he says. “I will express views that I think might be shared and see whether they are reflected in the person that I’m talking to. It’s a way of connecting” (102). Researchers should “never make the assumption that our positionality is neutral,” he continues, because Indigenous people and Settlers are not the same (103). Settlers don’t have an Indian Act or experience racist treatment (at least, White Settlers don’t). Absolon agrees:

As a researcher in a community, when I’ve done community-based research and I’ve talked to elders or people in the community about seeking answers or searching for something, I let them know who I am and what my intent is because they are suspicious of people extracting knowledge. We are suspicious of people misrepresenting us. We are suspicious of people who take knowledge and use it and we are suspicious of being exploited and used. That knowledge that we give sometimes gets turned around and used against us. (103)

So Indigenous communities often will not cooperate with Statistics Canada on census data, for instance. Locating oneself as a researcher helps the community know “that the reason you’re collecting information is to make things better, that hopefully there will be an outcome that will be useful to the community in some way” (103). Having a personal stake in that research, Willet offers, suggests that a researcher is less likely to abuse the knowledge they acquire.

For Absolon, “saying who we are and where we come from is just part of something that’s always been done”: “It’s putting ourselves forward. It is part of your honour and your respect not only for yourself, but for your whole family, your nation, your clan, your genealogy. It’s respect for who you’re addressing, or who you’re talking to, or who you’re representing. It lets people know your relatedness” (104). All of this tells people how you are invested in your research. Willet agrees; he suggests that the assumption that people can do research on topics that are not connected to them personally is impossible: “if you have no stake in a subject, I don’t see how you can do an adequate job of researching that topic” (104). Ethical research, Absolon suggests, is about being connected to or positioned in the research. Willet agrees: “I believe that it is unethical to do research in which you have no stake whatsoever—no interest, no personal connection with, no reason other than your training as a scientist. You need to have some reason for doing it” (104). And you need to be able to articulate that reason as well (104-05).

Absolon suggests that anthropological accounts of Indigenous practices are often inaccurate and biased because the researchers lack “a cultural lens upon which to base their research, or the kind of authority of knowledge to study Aboriginal peoples” (105). For Willet, a researcher without a personal stake in the topic won’t care “what the answer to the question is. They collect the data without any understanding of its context and without any personal connection or stake in the data. They make no attempt to guess what the stories collected in a study might mean to the people who tell them” (105). He suggests that creation stories are an example; anthropologists often dismiss these “as some sort of superstitious myth” (105). However, according to Absolon, “[p]art of the point of Indigenous research methodology is to take ownership of our own language, so taking language from mainstream research and plopping it in here is not what we should be doing. We need to speak from our own position and in our own voice. Sometimes we recreate” (105). Willet suggests that locating oneself means not speaking for anyone else: “It’s just my view and this is who I am” (105). 

This section of the chapter ends with a suggestion that this dialogue was intended “to model and convey some initial ideas upon which to base further discussions,” and that the key themes in it are “remembering, community, ownership, representation, and connection” (106). The next section “expands on the ideas we discussed and challenges us to unlearn colonial research agendas and processes” (106). Absolon and Willet note that the work of other Indigenous researchers has “encouraged us to turn around, to look back, and to rethink the language, terms, and methods we employ in research” (106). They use the prefix “re-” “to divide issues into different sections as we examine the purpose of location in Indigenous research, thus serving the larger purpose of rehumanizing research, which is to foster a knowledge creation process that takes into account the underlying and often hidden factors of the researcher and producer of knowledge” (106). “‘Re’ means to redo; to look twice, and is the teaching of respect in the West direction of the Medicine Wheel,” they argue. “In our dialogue and through our process of considering knowledge creation and research, we found ourselves inadvertently returning to the notions of respectful representations, revising, reclaiming, renaming, remembering, reconnecting, recovering, and researching” (108). “All of these ideas are associated with looking again to uncover, unlearn, recover and relearn how and why location is a fundamental principle of Indigenous research,” they continue (108).

First, though, the next section returns to the issue of location in Indigenous research. Location is central to Indigenous research methodology, because, first, “researching Aboriginal knowledge and Aboriginal peoples without the consent of the Aboriginal community is unethical” and tends to lead to misrepresentations and exploitation (106). For that reason, Indigenous communities “are no longer content to be passive objects of ‘scientific’ study, but demand to know who is doing the research and for what purposes” (107). Indigenous communities and cultural research protocols demand to know “three basic things”: “(1) Who is doing the research?; (2) How is the research being done?; and (3) What purpose does the research serve to the community?” (107). Researchers “must be prepared to explain who they are and what interest they have in the proposed research before they are allowed to proceed” (107).

Second, “location helps to offset existing unbalanced scholarship about Aboriginal peoples” (107). “If location were a more widely used component of Aboriginal research methodology, readers would be more easily able to distinguish between authors who have a vested interest in the research and those who do not,” they suggest (107). Third, since “one of the roles of ethical Aboriginal research is to eradicate ethnocentrism in the writing of Aboriginal history and representation,” and since they believe “that research conducted from a ‘neutral’ or ‘objective’ location is Eurocentric” and therefore unethical, revealing one’s “epistemological location at the outset through a brief introductory autobiography” is a way of avoiding “[e]thnocentric writing” (107). And, finally, “research in Aboriginal circles” is not just about the end result, but the research process as well (107). “Aboriginal research methodologies are as much about process as they are about product,” they contend. “It is in the process of conducting research that the researcher engages the community to share knowledge, recreation, and work” (107). The final research product is “always secondary to the community benefitting from the process, and in order for this process to happen, the researchers must locate themselves” (107). Besides, locating oneself is a way to gain the trust of the community, without which research will not be able to take place (107).

The next section discusses respectful representations. “To look twice is to practise respect,” Absolon and Willet begin. “Respect calls upon us to consider how we are represented by others, the expectations that others have of us, and how we represent ourselves” (108). The representations of Indigenous peoples in university curricula are disrespectful, as are those in popular culture. “To various degrees, we all struggle to free ourselves from the colonial beliefs and values that have been ingrained in us,” they write. “Throughout the world such ‘neutral’ and ‘objective’ research has been used to justify the oppression and genocide of the Other for the good of humankind” (108-09). “As we mirror and model ourselves after one another in search of our true identity,” they continue, “we form a framework for how we think we should be” (109). “When we self-locate, we represent our own truths. We represent our own reality,” they state, noting that Indigenous people tend to speak only about “their own experiences and opinions,” representing only themselves (109-10). To speak for someone else would be considered “arrogant, audacious, and disrespectful” in an Indigenous community (110). However, “[s]tating at the outset that you speak only for yourself . . . means who you do not represent or speak for,” and “[i]n terms of representation, location as a research methodology is ethical,” because it “brings ownership and responsibility to the forefront. When researchers own who or what they represent, they also reveal what they do not represent” (110).

“The concept of representation is significant because it leaves an imprint of what is true,” Absolon and Willet write, suggesting that “[l]ocation brings to the forefront both our commonalities and our distinctiveness,” emphasizing the diversity among Indigenous peoples (110). “There are many facets that make us who we are. To be accurate, our representations must take into account cultural and colonial histories and contexts,” they continue. “We must consider who we are relationally, interracially, intergenerationally, geographically, physically, spiritually, politically, and economically” (110). “[I]it is no simple task to represent ourselves respectfully,” they note:

Locating oneself is as lively and active as Aboriginal reality today. Each time we locate ourselves, our representations change and, depending on the context in which we locate, we may or may not emphasize certain aspects of our realities. Yet, as we locate, we must still account for the relative aspects of who we are and thus represent ourselves accordingly and distinctly. Location will not simply be about your name or where you are from, but will reflect more of a dynamic and transformative representation. (110)

One’s self-representation changes over time, “and thus our locations become dynamic” (110). But for Indigenous scholars, “knowing that location is transformative, is challenged in academia and in written research because academia is dominantly based in written text and print,” while “Indigenous knowledge and culture is dynamic—ever flowing, adaptable, and fluid. In a truly transformative research process, opinions, thoughts, ideas, and theories are in constant flux” (110-11). The printed word, though, “is one-dimensional, permanent, and fixed, a snapshot of a single moment in time” (111). For that reason, location, for Indigenous scholars, “becomes a crucial means of contextualizing their lens and reference points in a given time. Location is transformed as our lenses, perceptions, understandings, and knowledge are transformed” (111). But aren’t such changes typical of non-Indigenous scholars as well? Don’t we change our minds about things? I’m confused by this argument. In any case, Absolon and Willet conclude that “[i]t is better to locate relevant and distinct aspects of oneself rather than to make broad general statements. Location forms the basis of representation and is integral to writing and representing oneself with respect. When we look twice, we create our own checks and balances regarding respectful representation” (111).

The next section, “Re-Vising,” begins by stating that “[a]ny illumination of past, present, and future First Nations conditions demands a complete deconstruction of the history and application of colonial and racist ideology and, most importantly, of the impact (personal and political) of racism” (111). In other words, “we need to know how we got into the mess we’re in” (111). Writing about Indigenous peoples by non-Indigenous authors reveals more about their own ideological perspectives—“patriarchy, paternalism, racism, White supremacy, fear, ignorance, and ethnocentrism” (111)—than it does about Indigenous peoples (111). After suggesting that one shouldn’t speak in generalities, that’s quite a whopper of a generality, isn’t it? Decolonization of Indigenous peoples’ minds, hearts, bodies, and spirits is necessary, and the first step is “an analysis of colonization” (111). “Thus, recontextualizing and revising Aboriginal experiences, events, and history can help us make sense of our reality,” they write. “Location in research has a role as we revise and recontextualize our past, present, and future” (111-12). Location, in fact, “means that we begin by stating who we are and we revise this statement over and over again” as new information is retrieved (112). Location is therefore iterative: 

We locate ourselves differently at various points in our lives. As our recovery from colonialism progresses, we speak about our past and present experiences with more awareness, understanding, and knowledge, and we revise the stories of our lives. Revision through location is essential and integral to our recovery process. We will tell our stories one way today, then revise and retell them tomorrow. The means by which we locate may also be revised. Sometimes we locate with song, dance, or story or we locate using ceremony, language, or tradition. . . . Location as a cultural protocol provides us with an important opportunity to revise our self-concept and the way in which we present ourselves. (112)

I would suggest that it’s not only Indigenous people who can revise their stories based on experience. I wouldn’t speak about myself today the same way I did five or ten years ago. I wouldn’t have been able to give the paper I just gave at the “Walking’s New Movements” conference at the University of Plymouth five years ago, for instance. I didn’t understand my location within settler colonialism then, but my sense of that location is much clearer now. The reading I’ve been doing for the past 8 months is part of that clarity.

The next section is “Re-Claiming: Avoiding the Extraction of Knowledge.” Location is a way to reclaim one’s position, Absolon and Willet suggest, and such reclaiming “creates space for Aboriginal authors to name who they are and to claim their location in relation to their research topic” (112-13):

Aboriginal peoples must now say who we are directly and proudly, in the glory of our traditional regalia, songs, ceremonies, and languages and in the reality of contemporary issues. In reclaiming our location we assert our presence and power to define ourselves. By asserting our presence we refuse to be relics of the past. In defining ourselves we establish authority over our own knowledge. Thus, we begin to counter knowledge extraction and define our location in our own reality. (113)

“Claiming your personal space within your research and writing counters objectivity and neutrality with subjectivity, credibility, accountability, and humanity,” they continue. “We will no longer be the subjects of objective study; we are the subjects of our own knowledge creation. When we claim our location, we become congruent with Indigenous world views and knowledge, thus transforming our place within research” (113). For Settlers, perhaps, such practices of location are diminishing: without the pretence of neutral or objective knowledge, Settler researchers no longer can claim to speak for everyone everywhere. For some, that would feel like a diminishment, I’m sure.

“The writing of Indigenous knowledge is a delicate topic,” Absolon and Willet continue, suggesting that some of that knowledge should not be published (113). At the same time, there is a necessity to counter racist stereotypes and images produced by popular culture and school curricula (113). Given the power of such misrepresentations, Indigenous writers must be careful about publishing knowledge which can then be taken to feed the cultural misrepresentation machine: “Considerations such as cultural protocol, sacredness, oral traditions, copyright, and ownership all must be factored into deciding what Indigenous knowledge goes into text. However, as we record our own Indigenous histories, stories, and experiences via location, we reclaim ourselves” (113-14).

In the following section, “Re-Naming Research in Our Own Language,” Absolon and Willet begin by noting that the word “research” has a terrible meaning in Indigenous communities, because that’s how “knowledge has been misrepresented and extracted” (114). “The word ‘research’ has too much racist and colonial baggage attached to it to be used in an Indigenous context,” they continue. “If we are to gather and share knowledge in an Indigenous way, we must find new words to liberate and decolonize our processes for doing so” (114). They suggest “gathering and sharing knowledge” as an alternative (114). Another issue has to do with the use of English rather than Indigenous languages. In order to express themselves, they suggest that they have to break the rules and structures of the English language, to invent new words or use old words in new ways: “We must use the English language in a way that is congruent with Indigenous experiences and cultures” (114). “We need to transcend the rules and limitations of the English language to make it work for us as Indigenous peoples,” they continue, suggesting the work of Peter Cole, who apparently eschews paragraphs, chapters, and punctuation, as an example (115). “Ultimately, we know that the meaning of our words will often be overlooked or misunderstood not only because there is no adequate way to express our meaning in English, but also because many people lack the epistemological framework to understand it,” they conclude. “Yet it is a burden we must accept as we forge the sword of research into an implement that works for Indigenous peoples” (115).

The next section, “Re-Membering,” begins by suggesting that “remember” can mean either to recall or to reconnect (115). The process of locating oneself “establishes connection through memory” and also “re-members us with our ancestors and with our Nations” (115). They suggest that thinking of research as a “‘learning circle’” will generate “information sharing, connections,” “build capacity,” and seek “balance and healing” (116). “A learning circle also facilitates the remembering process and re-membering of individual experiences into a collective knowing and consciousness” through facilitating reconnection (116). They also suggest that memory isn “more than a mental process of recalling facts, experiences, and information”: there is “[p]hysical or body memory,” “[s]ensory memory,” “[s]piritual memory,” and “[e]motional memory” (116-17). “Location within the research process is essentially both remembering who we are and ‘re-membering’ within our Nations,” they conclude. “Indigenous researchers, we believe, research to remember and re-member” (117).

In the next section, “Re-Connecting,” Absolon and Willet note that “[c]olonization and genocide have disconnected Aboriginal peoples from our natural contexts,” and that “[c]ontextual validation makes our reality, experiences, and existence as Aboriginal peoples visible” (117). The need for contextual validation pushes Indigenous researchers to make “transformative changes in research processes and practices,” changes which are shifts in context (117). “As we (Aboriginal peoples) put our knowledge, experiences, and world views into written text, we must do so in connection to our communities (whoever, whatever, or wherever they may be,” they write. “Location in research authenticates relations within community” (118). That means working within communities (118). “Location exposes the researchers’ current context as details about the researchers such as where they are from, their race and gender, who they are connected to, and what their research intentions are become revealed,” they continues. “We take the position here that it is impossible to conduct valid and ethical research about Aboriginal peoples without locating because location asserts the identity of the writer and the importance of the research” (118). As an Indigenous research methodology, location “is one way to ensure that researchers of Aboriginal peoples and Aboriginal knowledge are connected with and accountable to the Aboriginal community”—and to “non-Aboriginal communities” as well (118). “Putting yourself forward as a researcher tells the community whether or not you are connected and committed to those you are researching,” and it also “makes the research ethical and accountable” by reconnecting “the research to self and to the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal community” (118-19).

Next, in “Re-Covering,” Absolon and Willet suggest that “[i]n recovering our truths, we have a responsibility to uncover and realize our historicity,” meaning their “historical truth” (119). The recovery of truth “is evident in how, what, when, and where a person locates himself or herself” (119). This is a process of becoming conscious, of understanding one’s own experience, or realizing that “there are many truths and that within the collective Indigenous experience there are many individual diversities” (119). “Recovering, accepting, and becoming proud of who we are as we tell and retell our individual stories is a difficult challenge,” they write. “Yet location is essential to the recovery of our individual and collective experiences and identities as Indigenous peoples because it honours individual diversity and recovery of self from internalized colonialism, racism, and oppression” (119-20). 

“Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal researchers today who tackle any facet of Indigenous study must have a critical analysis of colonialism and an understanding of Western scientific research as a mechanism of colonization,” Absolon and Willet state:

For location to be insightful and conscious, a critical analysis is required among all researchers. . . . we need to be able to re-examine, question, contemplate, and comprehend how research has been used to reinforce racist notions of evolutionary thought and how research has therefore justified and legitimized genocide in policy and action. Only when we have decolonized ourselves can we recover, contemplate, and envision ways in which research can be used to eradicate racism and lift the oppression. The answers, our Elders tell us, are in our Indigenous knowledges, cultures, and ways. (120)

More is expected of Indigenous researchers, because they must master both Indigenous epistemologies as well as “Euro-Western world views” and “have the ability to critically examine Western research methods and to develop methods that will work within Indigenous paradigms” (120). They must also “have knowledge of the cultural context, protocols, and issues within which we are researching” (120). (Surely both points are true of non-Indigenous researchers working in Indigenous communities?) “Because colonization has attempted to erase our roots, ancestors, and traditions, we must work hard to recover all that we can,” they continue, and they “cannot trust non-Aboriginal researchers to record the stories of our creation and our survival” (121). “Indigenous researchers today are hard at work recovering stories, songs, histories, experiences, ancestors, traditions, and cultural identities,” they continue. “And location is a critical part of our recovering process. When it comes to the research of Indigenous peoples and Indigenous knowledge, to be ethical and diligent researchers, we must reveal the lenses that each of us, as human beings, look through” (121).

The penultimate section of the chapter, “Re-Search Methods: Affirming Indigenous Paths,” begins by noting the uniqueness and diversity of Indigenous realities, and suggests that “expressing these realities demands creativity and innovation”: “styles of writing such as narrative, self-location, subjective text, poetry, and storytelling . . . better reflect Aboriginal realities than do academic prose” (121). (I’m always dubious about social scientists—Indigenous or non-Indigenous—who have never written poetry or studied the form using poetry to convey their research results. Writing poetry is more demanding than they realize, I think. Visual artists might say the same about social scientists who decide to paint or sculpt their results.) Moreover, “[r]esistance to colonizing research methods involves envisioning and utilizing research methods that better reflect Indigenous world views,” which will “help build a foundation for the ongoing development of Indigenous cultural knowledge production in a pattern that is congruent with Indigenous ways of knowing” (122). 

Finally, in “Location Equals Contextual Validation” begins with this statement: “It is time that academics recognize the validity of research processes that account for the influence of the researcher’s reality and experience. Locating self in research brings forward this reality” (123). “Aboriginal Elders and communities expect researchers to foster a knowledge creation process that accounts for many variables, including epistemological, cultural, colonial, historical, and contemporary contexts of both the researched and the researcher,” they continue. “It is putting ourselves forward that establishes these contexts, guides the research process, and determines research outcomes. Research outcomes, in turn, affect policy, programming, practice, and societal perceptions” (123). “In short,” they write, “location is good protocol for research methodology because it accounts for the context of the researcher” (123). The research becomes transformative, they continue, “both for the researched and researcher as individual stories are told and retold,” and locating oneself “ensures that individual realities are not misrepresented as generalizable collectives” (123). “Gathering and sharing Indigenous knowledge requires pride in self, family, community, culture, nation, identity, economy, and governance,” they conclude; “it requires courage to resist the rules and rigours of the dominant culture; and it requires faith that change can be made for the betterment of society as a whole, qualities that ought to be reflected in the location of the researcher” (123). All of those qualities are valuable and important, but I think it’s important not to set the bar too high for researchers. What about those who lack pride or who struggle with faith or are sometimes frightened? Are they to be excluded from scholarship because they are not paragons? Or is that a stupid question to ask?

In “Honouring The Oral Traditions of My Ancestors Through Storytelling,” Qwul’sih’yah’maht / Robina Anne Thomas focuses on, not surprisingly, storytelling and oral traditions. “Traditionally, storytelling played an essential role in nurturing and educating First Nations children,” she writes (237). These stories, which might seem insignificant, are important: “they are vital to the survival of First Nations peoples’ (238). These stories “leave us with a sense of purpose, pride, and give us guidance and direction—these are stories of survival and resistance” (238). For Thomas, storytelling is a research methodology.

Thomas talks about how she learned about residential schools by hearing stories about them. She also listens to stories told by her grandmothers: “Grama tells me about the cultural and traditional rights that I inherited through my family. I have the inherent right to have Sxwaixwe, or masked dancers, at all dances our family hosts. This is our most sacred ceremony, which is passed down through familial rights” (240-41). Her grandmother also tells her about the meanings of names (241). “Amma’s stories teach about conservation—taking, using, and throwing out only what is necessary,” she continues. “She taught me about taking care of Mother Earth long before anyone else” (241). Such stories “include important teachings that pass down historical facts, share culture and traditions, and life lessons. Traditionally, stories and storytelling were used for the same reasons—to teach values, beliefs, morals, history, and life skills to youth and adults” (241). Storytelling also taught “about resistance to colonialism” (241). “All stories have something to teach us,” Thomas writes. “What is most important is to learn to listen, not simply hear, the words that storytellers have to share. Many stories from First Nations tell a counter-story to that of the documented history of First Nations in Canada” (241).

“Most First Nations peoples traditionally come from an oral society,” Thomas states, and storytelling, as a methodology, “honours that tradition and the Ancestors (242). She feels that “storytelling enables us to keep the teachings of our Ancestors, culture, and tradition alive throughout the entire research process” (242). She is afraid of documenting those stories, however; taping storytellers is a foreign concept (242). “But as with everything, times change and in order for First Nations to have their voices heard, they have had to adapt and write down their experiences, while at the same time trying to maintain their stories,” particularly their “counter-stories” (242). “The beauty of storytelling is that it allows storytellers to use their own voices and tell their own stories on their own terms,” she continues (242). These stories are not merely supplementary material used to support other forms of research; nor are they illegitimate because they are subjective or biased (242-43). 

Thomas tells the story of how she received her traditional name in 1998. The process was documented by witnesses from other communities, but that documentation, traditionally, was not written down. “I am suggesting that the level of complexity and sophistication in which major events were witnessed in our communities demands that these oral histories and stories be reconceptualized and viewed as primary sources,” she writes. (244). At the same time, however, “[s]torytelling provides an opportunity for First Nations to have their histories documented and included in the written records. In other words, storytelling revises history by naming in including their experience” (244). For Thomas, listening to storytellers is “incredibly comforting and respectful. I believe that storytelling respects and honours people while simultaneously documenting their reality” (244).

“Storytelling has a holistic nature as how the story is told is up to the storytellers—they will tell the story the way they want,” Thomas continues. “Storytellers may opt to share their culture and tradition (spiritual), how events made them feel (emotional), what things looked like, or how they physically felt (physical), or how this affected their ways of knowing and being (mental)” (245). Storytellers can include what they want to include in their stories—what they think is important (245). “Storytelling uncovers new ways of knowing,” she writes (245). But researchers have to be “open to what the storytellers deem as important about their experience” (245). Listening to people tell stories is not the same as interviewing, a word that “denotes structuring from the researcher” (245). “I knew that if I asked specific questions, I would get specific answers,” Thomas writes. “What would happen if I asked the wrong questions? What would my research look like? It would answer only the questions I asked and as such I would be structuring the process. I was not the expert; the storytellers were and I was the learner, listener, recorder, and facilitator” (245-46).

When Thomas met her research participants, “the process was more storytelling in nature and interactive than questions and answers. The dialogues actually came to be only a part of the process. The relationship that transpired between the storytellers and me became very fluid” (246). She describes her process as one of “multiple dialogic interviews,” but “there were many conversations during which I recorded and listened to the various stories of particular storytellers with little interaction other than the occasional ‘ahh,’ ‘really,’ ‘wow,’ ‘ha ha ha,’ and looks (I am sure) of disbelief” (246). Most of the dialogues took place before and after the recording: “There was no need for me to question during the stories” (247). “The unstructured dialogical nature of the interviews enhanced the collection of stories,” she continues, noting that the storytelling was an iterative process:

Initially, storytellers openly shared the ‘easy’ parts of their stories—that is, the parts of their stories that they felt safe discussing. Then, at each of the subsequent interviews, the storytellers returned to where they left off, and set out on their journey into the more dangerous, less explored territory of their experience. . . . It was after the second interview that the fluid nature of the process began. After beginning the exploration into the unexplored territory, the storytellers were often inundated with memory, feelings, thoughts, etc. At this point I began to receive phone calls at home. On one occasion, a storyteller phoned and asked me to come over that evening and tape-record; he was ready to tell more stories. (247)

“I strongly believe that the flexible and personal nature of my research supported the storytellers during their process of sharing,” she continues (247). Before carrying out any interviews or recording any stories, Thomas met with the storytellers individually and explained “the purpose, nature, and intended outcome of the research,” and got the informed consent form signed (248). “From this point on, the storytellers took the lead role,” she writes. “I met with them when and where they wanted and for the length of time they determined” (248). 

“As I had chosen storytelling as my methodology, how the stories were perceived, documented, and written was a crucial point,” Thomas writes. “It was imperative that the stories remained the storytellers’ stories and did not become mine. My story needed to remain separate” (248). Early in the process she realized her power to shape the final work, but she “was determined to authentically represent the voices of the storytellers” rather than her own (248). She gave transcriptions to the storytellers to check their accuracy. “Only then did I begin to formulate stories,” she continues. “As I drafted the stories, these too were passed back and forth between the storytellers and me” (248). “This process was incredibly difficult as the transcription was not a single story told from beginning to end, but the many stories that had shaped their lives,” Thomas states. “My task was to compile all the stories into one story while at the same time not losing the intent of the many stories. I had to, in fact, find the story to tell” (248). That process “was more difficult than I ever anticipated,” she writes (248). “As much as possible, throughout the story-writing process, I used the words of the storytellers directly from the transcripts,” Thomas continues. “When I had to write a transition statement or statements, I would ask myself what words they use when they make a transition. These were areas in the stories that I would highlight and ask them to pay particular attention to” (248-49). Another struggle was deciding what to include and what to exclude. “It was very difficult to make the decision to cut a piece of the transcript from the story,” Thomas states, and when she did so, it was always in consultation with the storytellers themselves (249). The process, she continues, “should be a struggle—as researchers, we have the power to shape the lives of the storytellers and this issue should be taken seriously” (249).

Thomas struggled with the notion of how to do this work “with a good mind and a good heart” (249). She had a responsibility to the storytellers, as a witness to their stories, and therefore had to ensure that she paid attention to their words and their lives (249). Respecting and honouring what they had to say was her “most important ethical responsibility” (249). “I had to ensure that while I was storytelling, I simultaneously respected and honoured the storytellers,” she continues (249). Before the research process began, she had though that informed consent and confidentiality would be her most important ethical concerns, and her “participants were involved in all stages of the research,” while many of them wanted their names attached to their stories (249-50). At the same time, she encountered ethical issues she had not expected. She found listening to the stories of residential school experiences to be emotionally draining (250-51). “I learned to pay particular attention to the time necessary to heal between interviews and then to prepare for the next,” she writes (251). She also had to be aware of the pain her participants experienced as they told their stories. However, that problem was resolved when two of the storytellers contacted her after particularly difficult interviews: “Both of them shared the agony they had gone through with the interview, but also the lightness they felt after going back to that place and telling about what really happened. So the research would go on” (251). Sharing the stories was healing, even if it was difficult for both teller and listener (251). Thomas also felt a responsibility to her Ancestors, she writes: “what does it really mean to say that the reason I have chosen storytelling as my research methodology is because it honours the oral traditions of my Ancestors?” (251).

However, writing her thesis proved to be very difficult: the stories and the “traditional academic process” that shaped the rest of her thesis were not connected. “The message I received from the Creator and my Ancestors was that I was not to use words that justified an academic process of meeting my thesis requirements, but to believe in and use the integrity of a storytelling approach throughout the thesis,” she writes. “As such, my final thesis was many interconnected stories—no beginning and no end, but rich with teachings and gifts” (252). After all, storytelling was (and still is) a teaching tool, as well as a tool of resistance (252). “Many of us have stories in our families that have never been shared,” Thomas writes. “This in part is another impact of colonization. Stories and legends were our culture and tradition, and over the years these rituals were banned through legislation and then enforced and entrenched through residential schools” (252-53). Collecting and sharing those stories is necessary to “pass these teachings on to our future generations” (253). 

“I never dreamed of learning what I learned,” Thomas concludes. “Storytelling, despite all the struggles, enabled me to respect and honour the Ancestors and the storytellers while at the same time sharing tragic, traumatic, inhumanly unbelievable truths that our people had lived. It was this level of integrity that was essential to storytelling” (253). However, Thomas does not consider herself a storytelling expert; she is, rather, a “storyteller-in-training” (253). She intends to “continue the rigorous path required to train as I see the countless gifts and teaching that storytelling has to offer each of us” (253). Storytelling touches people “in a different and more profound way” by making what she teaches personal (253). “[W]e can see how important stories are—they bring the past, the future, and present together for now and for the next seven generations” (253). 

There is a lot in this book, even in the handful of chapters I read, and I can’t pretend I understand it all. What I ought to do, if I intend to borrow from Indigenous methodologies in my research, is continue to learn about them, and more importantly, try to understand the limitations to such borrowing. I do locate myself when I talk about my work, although not as thoroughly as Absolon and Willet would advocate—at least, I did so in the last two conference papers I gave—and I do agree with Thomas that storytelling is powerful as a form of learning and of resistance. (But I would, wouldn’t I? I’ve been teaching literature for 30 years.) And yet there are aspects of their discussions of Indigenous methodologies that I think are unavailable to me. That’s fine; perhaps being an “ex-centric” researcher, according to herising’s definition, means being in a position where not everything fits, where not everything makes sense. That seems to be more than likely.

Works Cited

Ahmed, Sara. Queer Phenomenology: Orientations, Objects, Others, Duke University Press, 2006.

Brown, Leslie, and Susan Strega, eds. Research As Resistance: Critical, Indigenous, and Anti-oppressive Approaches, Canadian Scholars’ Press, 2005.

Kovach, Margaret. Indigenous Methodologies: Characteristics, Conversations, and Contexts, University of Toronto Press, 2009.

18. Sara Ahmed, Queer Phenomenology: Orientations, Objects, Others

queer phenomenology

After reading Sara Ahmed’s Queer Phenomenology: Orientations, Objects, Others, I am convinced that my brief foray into embodied cognition was an error, and that phenomenology will give me a language I can use to talk about embodiment. “Error” is probably the wrong word: I know now that embodied cognition isn’t what I need to study, and it’s better to know that’s the case rather than wonder whether it might be useful. Phenomenology provides a conceptual framework that can be used to think about embodiment. I had a hunch that would be the case, but Ahmed’s book has confirmed it. My discussion of Ahmed’s book in this post is long, but her argument is both complex and important to my work, and so I want to attempt to explain it in detail, if only so that I come to understand it better. 

Ahmed begins Queer Phenomenology with the question of orientation: “how is it that we come to find our way in a world that acquires new shapes, depending on which way we turn[?]” (1). What does it mean, in other words, to have our bearings, to know how we get somewhere, to be turned toward objects that help us find our way, whether those objects are landmarks or other familiar signs which function as anchoring points? Such objects, Ahmed writes, “gather on the ground, and they create a ground upon which we can gather. And yet, objects gather quite differently, creating different grounds. What difference does it make ‘what’ we are orientated toward?” (1). Those sentences give a sense of Ahmed’s poetic prose, which (from my experience reading Heidegger) seems to be common in texts about phenomenology. She also uses the verb “orientate” throughout the book, rather than its synonym, “orient,” because (I think) she wants to keep “orient,” or “Orient,” as a generic name for the east (following Edward Said’s classic book, Orientalism). She also uses what I’ve been taught are “scare quotes” throughout as a way of (I think) questioning the language she uses, or perhaps the language that English provides for her to use; she also uses italics for emphasis. Reading Ahmed’s book means getting used to these quirks, and quickly getting accustomed to her somewhat idiosyncratic writing style, but that’s no different from reading other theorists or philosophers who use language in similarly unique ways: Derrida, Deleuze, Foucault, Heidegger, etc. But that style makes it difficult to summarize, paraphrase, or synthesize Ahmed’s thinking; that’s something to bear in mind if you’re reading this post. It’s also important to note that Ahmed’s book is deeply personal; her writing is autobiographical, or perhaps autotheoretical, and her references to her own experience are an important part of her argument.

In her introduction, Ahmed notes that her particular interest is in the orientation of sexual desire; for her, foregrounding the concept of orientation will give us the ability to retheorize the sexualization of space and the spatiality of sexual desire (1). Her primary research question (I think) is this: “What would it mean for queer studies if we were to pose the question of ‘the orientation’ of ‘sexual orientation’ as a phenomenological question?” (1). Ahmed returns to this a question in her second chapter, and in her conclusion. Phenomenology is important to queer studies, she writes, because it “makes ‘orientation’ central in the very argument that consciousness is always directed ‘toward’ an object, and given its emphasis on the lived experience of inhabiting a body” (2). Such orientations involve our emotions, which are “directed to what we come into contact with: they move us ‘toward’ and ‘away’ from such objects” (2). We are orientated towards others as well as objects (that is, people as well as things), and our orientations towards others, she continues, “shape the contours of space by affecting relations of proximity and distance between bodies” (3). Ahmed is very interested in what we perceive as being close to us, and what we perceive as being far away; what we move toward, and what we move away from. These questions, she suggests, are important questions in phenomenology, particularly the work of Maurice Merleau-Ponty.

Orientation, Ahmed argues, begins with disorientation (5). We notice orientation through its absence, and that leads to questions about orientation (6). Being oriented in space is about the way we inhabit space with our bodies, about the way we move through space by situating ourselves in relation to the objects in that space (6). For Ahmed, the concept of orientation allows us to rethink the phenomenality of space—“that is, how space is dependent on bodily inhabitance” (6). “Orientation involves aligning body and space: we only know which way to turn once we know which way we are facing,” she writes, and the concepts of alignment and direction are essential to her thinking. So, too, is the concept of familiarity: “[f]amiliarity is shaped by the ‘feel’ of space or by how spaces ‘impress’ upon bodies,” she writes (7). “The work of inhabiting space involves a dynamic renegotiation between what is familiar and unfamiliar, such that it is still possible for the world to create new impressions, depending on which way we turn, which affects are within reach,” she continues (7-8). Along with the way we inhabit space, Ahmed is interested in the way our bodies extend into space; when we extend ourselves into space, what is almost familiar, or almost within reach, is also extended. Being orientated, then, extends the reach of the body. “Orientations are about how we begin,” Ahmed writes: “how we proceed from ‘here,’ which affects how what is ‘there’ appears, how it presents itself” (8). But our central perspective is provided by our own bodies; we begin with our body, the point from which we begin and from which the world unfolds (8). All space, however, is not relative to the subject’s position; some spaces are defined socially (13): “[i]n this book,” Ahmed continues, “I hope to explore what it means for ‘things’ to be orientated, by showing how ‘orientations’ depend on taking points of view as given,” a givenness that is provided by our social horizon(s) (14).

Much of Ahmed’s introduction, then, is about introducing us to the key terms she uses in her book, and perhaps the central concept in her thinking is that of lines: “[t]he lines that allow us to find our way, those that are ‘in front’ of us, also make certain things, and not others, available” (14). Lines are the products of the direction we take, and they exclude possibilities as well as enable them. The lines that we follow also function as forms of alignment, of being in line with others: when we face the direction already faced by others, we are orientated along with them, and this orientation allows our bodies to extend into spaces that have already taken their shape (15). The claim that we face in certain directions and follow certain lines because of ideological interpellation (she cites French Marxist theorist Louis Althusser), Ahmed writes, is a key argument in her book:

the body gets directed in some ways more than others. We might be used to thinking of direction as simply which way we turn, or which way we are facing, at this or that moment in time. Direction then would be a rather casual matter. But what if direction, as the way we face as well as move, is organized rather than casual? We might then speak of collective direction: of ways in which nations and other imagined communities might be “going in a certain direction” or facing the same way, such that only some things “get our attention.” Becoming a member of such a community, then, might also mean following this direction, which could be described as the political requirement that we turn some ways and not others. We follow the line that is followed by others: the repetition of the act of following makes the line disappear from view as the point from which “we” emerge. (15)

Moreover, by turning in particular directions, or moving along particular lines, “the surfaces of bodies in turn acquire their shape. Bodies are ‘directed’ and they take the shape of this direction” (15-16). Those lines are both created by being followed, and followed by being created, Ahmed notes, and the lines that direct us, “as lines of thought as well as lines of motion, are in this way performative: they depend on the repetition of norms and conventions, of routes and paths taken, but they are also created as an effect of this repetition” (16). Following these lines, following the directions they indicate, takes work, but that work is often hidden from view. Nevertheless, the commitment and social investment involved means that the line we follow ends up hewing closely to the lines of our lives: 

We then come to “have a line” which might mean a specific “take” on the world, a set of views and viewing points, as well as a route through the contours of the world, which gives our world its own contours. So we follow the lines, and in following them we become committed to “what” they lead us to as well as “where” they take us. (17)

Because following lines is a form of social investment which promises a return, subjects reproduce the lines that they follow (17). Thinking of the politics of lines leads Ahmed to think about the notion of inheritance, “the lines that are given as our point of arrival into familial and social space,” and reproduction, “the demand that we return the gift by extending the line” (17). “It is not automatic that we reproduce what we inherit, or that we always convert our inheritance into possessions,” Ahmed writes. “We must pay attention to the pressure to make such conversions” (17). We might be hailed or interpellated by a particular line or direction, but we needn’t turn in that direction; we might inherit a particular line or direction, but we needn’t face in that direction or follow that line. Much of Ahmed’s book explores refusals to accept such inheritances.

Following a particular line involves uncertainty, and lines are not always linear: there are forks in the road and different paths to follow, moments of both hope that one is headed in the right direction, and doubt which leads one to want to turn back or give up or look for another path (19). Such moments are not always conscious, Ahmed argues: “At times, we don’t know that we have followed a path, or that the line we have taken is a line that clears our way only by marking out spaces that we don’t inhabit” (19). And yet, she continues, “accidental or chance encounters do happen, and they redirect us and open up new worlds” (19). For Ahmed, such an encounter was her decision to leave her husband and come out as a lesbian. “Such moments can be a gift,” she writes, “or they might be the site of trauma, anxiety, or stress about the loss of an imagined future” (19). They can be disorienting: “disorientation is a way of describing the feelings that gather when we lose our sense of who it is that we are” (20). But moments of disorientation are vital, according to Ahmed: “to live out a politics of disorientation might be to sustain wonder about the very forms of social gathering” (24), a point she returns to in her conclusion.

Ahmed’s second chapter is an exploration and critique of the phenomenological theory, particularly the work of Edmund Husserl, that will make her third and fourth chapters possible. Phenomenology’s radical claim, she writes, is that consciousness is directed toward something; therefore, it is intentional (27). “If consciousness is about how we receive the world ‘around’ us,” she continues, “then consciousness is also embodied, sensitive, and situated” (27). This thesis “can help show us how bodies are directed in some ways and not others, as a way of inhabiting or dwelling in the world” (27). Receiving the world involves perceiving the world, and to perceive something, you need to have taken an orientation toward it: “[t]he object is an effect of towardness; it is the thing toward which I am directed and which in being posited as a thing, as being something or another for me, takes me in some directions rather than others” (27). But perceiving objects also means taking a direction toward them, and that direction is affective: “I might like them, admire them, hate them, and so on. In perceiving them in this way or that, I also take a position upon them, which in turn gives me a position” (27-28). Taking a direction appears to be another way of speaking about orientation, and being oriented towards an object affects what we do and how we inhabit space (28). However, not everything is available to us as an object. Some objects—such as the domestic labour required to maintain Husserl’s example of the table at which he writes—are relegated to the background in order to sustain a particular direction: “in other words, in order to keep attention on what is faced. Perception involves such acts of relegation that are forgotten in the very preoccupation with what it is that is faced” (31). Not everyone can sustain an orientation towards the writing table; such attention involves a political economy, “an uneven distribution of attention time,” and that uneven distribution is part of that background (32). “The objects that we direct our attention toward reveal the direction we have taken in life,” Ahmed writes. “Other objects, and indeed spaces, are relegated to the background; they are only ever co-perceived”—that is, perceived along with other background objects. If phenomenology were to attend to this background, she continues, “it might do so by giving an account of the conditions of emergence for something, which would not necessarily be available in how that thing presents itself to consciousness” (38). Ahmed’s version of phenomenology, in other words, historicizes objects, by attending to how they arrived in the place where they can be perceived. 

That arrival requires at least two entities, a subject and an object, and these have to “co-incide”: the hyphen suggests the way that different things happen at the same moment, “a happening that brings things near to other things, whereby the nearness shapes the shape of each thing” (39). We are affected by objects, and objects are affected by us. But these simultaneous arrivals aren’t necessarily matters of chance: they are at least partially determined (by their histories, it seems), even though that determination doesn’t determine what will happen as a result of their nearness, how the object will be affected by the encounter, or how we will be affected (39). In addition, according to Ahmed, things only become themselves by being cut off from their own arrival—from their histories of arrival, histories that involve multiple forms of contact with others: “Objects appear by being cut off from such histories of arrival, as histories that involve multiple generations, and the ‘work’ of bodies, which is of course the work of some bodies more than others” (41-42). Objects are not neutral or ahistorical, in other words. They have been affected by actions performed on them in the past, actions which have shaped them; and those objects, in turn, shape what we do (43). But such histories are “spectral,” not available on the surface of the object, but rather behind it (44). 

One subset of objects are tools, which are object that allow us to extend our bodies (49). Such extensions allow us to work, but in order for that work to happen, we, along with our tools, need to be orientated, or facing the right way: “in other words,” Ahmed writes, “the objects around the body allow the body itself to be extended. When things are orientated, we are occupied and busy” (51). However, not all objects, or spaces, fit all kinds of bodies:

Objects, as well as spaces, are made for some kinds of bodies more than others. Objects are made to size as well as made to order: while they come in a range of sizes, the sizes also presume certain kinds of bodies as having “sizes” that will “match.” In this way, bodies and their objects tend toward each other; they are oriented toward each other, and are shaped by this orientation. When orientation “works,” we are occupied. The failure of something to work is a matter of a failed orientation: a tool is used by a body for which it was not intended, or a body uses a tool that does not extend its capacity for action. (51)

How we reside in space with objects determines our action, and that means that the relation between action and space is crucial: “spatial relations between subjects and others are produced through actions, which make some things available to be reached” (52). Moreover, our bodies themselves take shape by moving through spaces, and as we move through spaces, objects also move, in the sense that our orientation to them changes (53). “Phenomenology hence shows how objects and others have already left their impressions on the skin surface,” Ahmed writes, and by “skin surface” she means the surface of the skin of the subject who perceives:

The tactile object is what is near me, or what is within my reach. In being touched, the object does not “stand apart”; it is felt “by” the skin and even “on” the skin. In other words, we perceive the object as an object, as something that “has” integrity, and is “in” space, only by haunting that very space; that is, by co-inhabiting space such that the boundary between the co-inhabitants of space does not hold. The skin connects as well as contains. The nonopposition between the bodies that move around objects, and objects around which bodies move, shows us how orientation involve at least a two-way “approach,” or the “more than one” of an encounter. Orientations are tactile and they involve more than one skin surface: we, in approaching this or that table, are also approached by the table, which touches us when we touch it. (54)

What is near us, in other words, is shaped by what we do, and affects what our bodies can do (54). There is also a mutuality in Ahmed’s formulation of the relationship between bodies and objects: they touch each other, which is, I think, a way of reasserting that they affect each other

But bringing objects near to our bodies also involves acts of perception: decisions about what can be brought near to us (55). “Objects are objects insofar as they are within my horizon,” Ahmed contends; “it is in the act of reaching ‘toward them’ that makes them available as objects for me” (55). The bodily horizon, she continues, establishes a line beyond which bodies cannot reach, and that horizon determines what is reachable for us:

what “comes into” view, or what is within our horizon, is not a matter simply of what we find here or there, or even where we find ourselves as we move here or there. What is reachable is determined precisely by orientations that we have already taken. Some objects don’t even become objects of perception, as the body does not move toward them: they are “beyond the horizon” of the body, and thus out of reach. The surfaces of bodies are shaped by what is reachable. Indeed, the history of bodies can be rewritten as the history of the reachable. (55)

This point is central to much of Ahmed’s argument, particularly in relation to sexual orientation. “Orientations are about the direction we take that puts some things and not others in our reach,” she contends. “So the object, which is apprehending only by exceeding my gaze, can be apprehended only insofar as it has come to be available to me: its reachability is not simply a matter of its place or location . . . but instead is shaped by the orientations I have taken that mean I face some ways more than others” (56). 

In other words, our histories, the orientations we have taken, limit the objects we are capable of perceiving. History happens in the repetition of gestures, and such repetitions give bodies their tendencies, which gives them potential orientations:

It is important that we think not only about what is repeated, but also how the repetition of actions takes us in certain directions: we are also orientating ourselves towards some objects more than others, including not only physical objects . . . but also objects of thought, feeling, and judgment, as well as objects in the sense of aims, aspirations, and objectives. (56)

Repetition is not neutral: our bodies are shaped by repetition, and “it orients the body in some ways rather than others” (57). As a result, “we get stuck in certain alignments as an effect of this work” (56). Our bodies acquire orientations through the repetitions of some actions rather than others, and since actions have certain objects in view, the nearness of objects becomes a sign of orientations we have already taken towards the world (58). Action, moreover, also defines the field of inaction, “actions that are possible but that are not taken up, or even actions that are not possible because of what has been taken up”: 

Such histories of action or “take up” shape the bodily horizon of bodies. Spaces are not only inhabited by bodies that “do things,” but what bodies “do” leads them to inhabit some spaces more than others. If spaces extend bodies, then we could say that spaces also extend the shape of the bodies that “tend” to inhabit them. (58)

“The point is simple,” Ahmed writes: “what we ‘do do’ affects what we ‘can do’” (59). Gender is one example. Because gender shapes what we do, and because gender is a factor in how we inhabit some spaces rather than others, it also shapes what we can do. Gender, then, is a bodily orientation, “a way in which bodies get directed by their actions over time” (60). As Ahmed suggests in the following chapters, sexual and racial orientations also shape the way bodies are directed by their actions over time. Even so, other possibilities remain: “bodies can take up spaces that do not extend their shape, which can in turn work to ‘reorientate’ bodies and space” (61). 

This discussion of phenomenological theory informs Ahmed’s discussion of sexual orientation, which she begins with a reflection on what she calls “queer moments” in the work of Merleau-Ponty—moments where the subject has to work to overcome a perception that things are on a slant, rather than oriented according to the vertical axis (65). The relation between the normative and that vertical axis interests Ahmed. The normative, she writes, is “an effect of the repetition of bodily actions over time, which produces what we call a bodily horizon, a space for action, which puts some objects and not others in reach” (66). That notion can be redescribed, she continues, “in terms of the straight body, a body that appears ‘in line’” (66). A straight body is one that is aligned with other lines, and so instead of taking the vertical line as a given, we ought to see it as an effect of this process of alignment (66). “The vertical axis is itself an effect of being ‘in line,” Ahmed argues, “where the line taken by the body corresponds with other lines that are already given. The vertical is hence normative; it is shaped by the repetition of bodily and social actions over time” (66). This claim is important. Bodies that are aligned with the vertical axis (and perhaps also the horizontal one?) are bodies that can extend into space, bodies that appear the right way up, bodies that do not appear out of line. Queer bodies—and Ahmed exploits both senses of the word “queer” throughout her book—are bodies that are not aligned, and such bodies can have a powerful effect:

Importantly, when one thing is “out of line,” then it is not just that thing that appears oblique but the world itself might appear on a slant, which disorientates the picture and even unseats the body. If we consider how space appears along the lines of the vertical axis, then we can begin to see how orientations of the body shape not just what objects are reachable, but also the “angle” on which they are reached. Things look right when the approach us from the right angle. (67)

The problem with this argument, I think, is that the vertical and horizontal axes are not simply matters of perception: they can be determined through the use of a plumb bob or a level. However, the reference to vertical lines is in Merleau-Ponty’s Phenomenology of Perception, and since Ahmed begins with that reference, it’s no surprise that she ends up making this argument. The image of bodies being expected to align themselves with straight lines becomes central to her discussion of queer sexual orientations, which are, according to this model, oblique or slanted, not vertical, not mapped according to a grid of horizontal or vertical lines. As I read this chapter, I found myself wondering why the lines she describes are always straight, never curved, whatever their relationship to that grid—might that not have been a better visual image? Again, by starting with her particular reference to Merleau-Ponty, the image seems to have been predetermined, which is an interesting example of the very phenomena she is describing.

According to Ahmed, sexuality is crucial to the orientation of bodies, and therefore to the way we inhabit spaces; therefore, “the differences between how we are orientated sexually are not only a matter of ‘which’ objects we are orientated toward, but also how we extend through our bodies into the world” (67-68). In other words, it’s about “differences in one’s very relation to the world—that is, in how one ‘faces’ the world or is directed toward it” (68). Different ways of directing our desires, different orientations, mean “inhabiting different worlds” (68). In this chapter of the book, Ahmed states, she wants to rethink the spatiality of sexual orientation by formulating what she calls a “queer phenomenology” (68). That phenomenology, she continues, “might offer an approach to sexual orientation by rethinking how the bodily direction ‘toward’ objects shapes the surfaces of bodily and social space” (68). After all, that’s what phenomenology is about, as the earlier chapters of the book have demonstrated: how the directions we face shape us, and how we are shaped by them, within the context of social or historical space.

Cupid and his arrows are, for Ahmed, a metaphor of the directionality of sexual orientation: Cupid’s arrows travel in lines, lines of desire. “So sexual desire orientates the subject toward some others (and by implication not other others) by establishing a line or direction,” she writes. “Sexual orientation involves following different lines insofar as the others that desire is directed toward are already constructed as the ‘same sex,’ or the ‘other sex.’ It is not simply the object that determines the ‘direction’ of one’s desire; rather, the direction one takes makes some others available as objects to be desired” (69-70). Therefore, she continues, to be directed towards the same sex, or the other sex, “becomes seen as moving along different lines” (70). And, since heterosexuality is normalized and naturalized in our culture, same-sex desire “reaches objects that are not continuous with the line of normal sexual subjectivity (71). Ahmed cites Adrienne rich on compulsory heterosexuality, the institutional practices that require men and women to be heterosexual (84), through which “subjects are required to ‘tend toward’ some objects and not others as a condition of familial as well as social love” (85). Heterosexuality functions as a background, “as that which is behind actions that are repeated over time and with force, and that insofar as it is behind does not come into view” (87). 

In fact, heterosexuality appears to be a function of the prohibitions against same-sex desire in Ahmed’s formulation: “[t]he nearness of objects to each other comes to be lived as what is already given, as a matter of how the domestic is arranged. What puts objects near depends on histories, on how ‘things’ arrive, and on how they gather in their very ability as things to ‘do things’ with” (88). Objects and bodies might seem oblique or slanted, according to Ahmed, but that will be the case “only insofar as they do not follow the line of that which is already given, or that which has already extended in space by being directed in some ways rather than others” (92). For that reason, “[s]paces as well as bodies are the effects of such straightening devices” (92). The notion of straightening devices returns later, in Ahmed’s discussion of racialized bodies.

Homosexuality, for Ahmed, results in the queer subject’s rejection by his or her or their heterosexual family, because it cannot lead to reproducing the gift of heterosexuality. “It is not that the heterosexual subject has to turn away from queer objects in accepting heterosexuality as a parental gift,” Ahmed writes:

compulsory heterosexuality makes such a turning unnecessary (although becoming straight can be lived as a ‘turning away’). Queer objects, which do not allow the subject to approximate the form of the heterosexual couple, may not even get near enough to ‘come into view’ as possible objects to be directed toward. (91)

“The body acts upon what is nearby or at hand,” she continues, “and then gets shaped by its directions toward such objects, which keeps other objects beyond the bodily horizon of the straight subject” (91). I’m not sure I’m understanding Ahmed correctly here, but she seems to be suggesting that heterosexuals are only heterosexual because they have not been able to consider same-sex bodies as objects of desire. That interpretation is strengthened by her suggestion that heterosexuality is a repetitive strain injury that shapes what bodies can do:

Bodies take the shape of norms that are repeated over time and with force. Through repeating some gestures and not others, or through being orientated in some directions and not others, bodies become contorted: they get twisted into shapes that enable some action only insofar as they restrict the capacity for other kinds of action. Compulsory heterosexuality diminishes the very capacity of bodies to reach what is off the straight line. It shapes which bodies one “can” legitimately approach as would-be lovers and which one cannot. In shaping one’s approach to others, compulsory heterosexuality also shapes one’s own body as a congealed history of past approaches. Hence, the failure to orient oneself “toward” the ideal sexual object affects how we live in the world; such a failure is read as a refusal to reproduce and therefore as a threat to the social ordering of life itself. (91)

Perhaps heterosexuality is a repetitive strain injury for someone like Ahmed, who was married to a man before ending that relationship and coming out as a lesbian (a story she tells at the beginning of the book), and if she is describing the experience of others like herself, that’s one thing. If, however, she’s suggesting that heterosexuals are only heterosexual because of the repetition of norms that have established heterosexuality as compulsory, that’s something else. I’m not sure that calling into question the authenticity of heterosexual desire—if that’s what Ahmed is doing—is either useful or true, but I might be misreading her text. I suppose I would have to read Adrienne Rich on compulsory heterosexuality, and Judith Butler on heteronormativity, before I could really understand Ahmed’s argument here. And yet, Ahmed’s discussion of heterosexuality as a form of “contact sexuality” reinforces my reading. She contends that 

straight orientations are shaped by contact with others who are constructed as reachable as love objects by the lines of social and familial inheritance. . . . Indeed, I have suggested that compulsory heterosexuality functions as a background to social action by delimiting who is available to love or ‘who’ we come into contact with. (94-95)

At the same time, she acknowledges “that (luckily) compulsory heterosexuality doesn’t always work” (94), and that many who are hailed or interpellated by compulsory heterosexuality do not turn around to respond (107). I find myself wondering why she grants queer bodies such agency, but apparently denies it to straight bodies. Perhaps I am only asking that question because, as a straight male, I am not a member of Ahmed’s audience—the people whom she imagined while she was writing this chapter. I don’t know.

Both queer bodies and black bodies (Ahmed’s terms, not mine) have difficulty inhabiting spaces that are defined as straight or white: such spaces do not allow those bodies to be extended, because they do not allow those bodies to take their shape. Ahmed begins her chapter on phenomenology and racialized bodies with a quotation from Frantz Fanon about his physical response to meeting the eyes of a white man. “For Fanon,” she writes,

racism “stops” black bodies inhabiting space by extending through objects and others; the familiarity of “the white world,” as a world we know implicitly, “disorients” black bodies such that they cease to know where to find things—reduced as they are to things among things. Racism ensures that the black gaze returns to the black body, which is not a loving return but rather follows the line of the hostile white gaze. The disorientation affected by racism diminishes capacities for action. (111)

“If the world is made white,” she continues, “then the body at home is one that can inhabit whiteness”:

As Fanon’s work shows, after all, bodies are shaped by histories of colonialism, which makes [sic] the world “white” as a world that is inherited or already given. This is the familiar world, the world of whiteness, a world we know implicitly. Colonialism makes the world “white,” which is of course a world “ready” for certain kinds of bodies, as a world that puts certain objects within their reach. Bodies remember such histories, even when we forget them. Such histories, we might say, surface on the body, or even shape how bodies surface. . . . In a way, then, race does become a social as well as a bodily given, or what we receive from others as an inheritance of this history. (111)

In this chapter, Ahmed writes, she wants to reflect on processes of racialization and consider “racism as an ongoing and unfinished history, which orientates bodies in specific directions, affecting how they ‘take up’ space. Such forms of orientation are crucial to how bodies inhabit space, and to the racialization of bodily as well as social space” (111). 

Ahmed begins with an analysis of the spatial formations of Orientalism and the ways that geographic space is orientated such that near and far, or proximity and distance, are associated with specific bodies and places (112). Then she considers how we inherit “the proximities that allow white bodies to extend their reach,” while “such inheritances shape those who do not or cannot ‘possess’ such whiteness” (112). She then explores the effects of racism on bodies that are not white or not quite white, and the way that mixed orientations “might allow us to reinvestigate the ‘alignments’ between body, place, nation and world that allow racial lines to be given” (112). That question is personally important to Ahmed, as the daughter of a Pakistani father and a white English mother. “The ‘matter’ of race is very much about embodied reality,” she writes:

seeing oneself or being seen as white or black or mixed does affect what one “can do,” or even where one can go, which can be redescribed in terms of what is and is not within reach. If we begin to consider what is affective about the “unreachable,” we might even begin the task of making “race” a rather queer matter. (112)

Here, of course, Ahmed is using “queer” to mean “strange” or, as her etymology suggests, “twisted” (67). 

She begins by thinking about the relationship between the words “orientate” and “Orient,” and suggests, following Said, that the Orient is constructed as “not-Europe” (114). The “not-ness” of the Orient,” she writes, “seems to point to another way of being in the world—to a world of romance, sexuality, and sensuality,” as well as its “farness”, its distance from the West, which makes it exotic. The fact that the Orient is an object of desire for the West is complex: “[d]esire confirms that which we are not (the object of desire), while it pushes us toward that ‘not,’ which appears as an object on the horizon, at the edge of our gaze, getting closer even when it is not quite here” (114). This desire for the other can be described as a way to extend the body, according to Ahmed. “The body extends its reach by taking in that which it ‘not’ it, where the ‘not’ involves the acquisition of new capacities and directions—becoming, in other words, ‘not’ simply what I am ‘not’ but what I can ‘have’ and ‘do.’ The ‘not me’ is incorporated into the body, extending its reach” (115). This incorporation is certainly a feature in the history of the Orient, at least since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the discovery of oil in the Middle East.

But Ahmed goes on to distinguish between being oriented toward something, in the sense of desiring it, and orientated around something, in the sense of making that thing central, at the centre of one’s being or action (116). “The Orient here would be the object toward which we are directed, as an object of desire,” she writes. “By being directed toward the Orient, we are orientated ‘around’ the Occident. Or, to be more precise, the Occident coheres as that which we are organized around through the very direction of our gaze toward the Orient” (116). The Orient is both far away and reachable, and it can therefore be brought home and domesticated, while still being defined by difference (116-17). “The object function of the Orient, then, is not simply a sign of the presence of the West—of where it ‘finds its way’—but also a measure of how the West has ‘directed’ its time, energy, and resources,” she continues (117). “We could even say that Orientalism involves a form of ‘world facing,’” Ahmed suggests, “that is, a way of gathering things around so they ‘face’ a certain direction” (118). In that way, Orientalism involves phenomenal space: “it is a matter of how bodies inhabit spaces through shared orientations” (118). The Orient as the desired other, then, is part of what helps the West define itself, by directing its citizens’ attention toward a shared object, creating a collective force, a collective that takes shape through the repetition of the act of facing, of putting one in line with others (119). 

How, Ahmed asks, does this help us retheorize the orientation of Orientalism? “To direct one’s gaze and attention toward the other, as an object of desire, is not indifferent, neutral, or casual: we can redescribe ‘towardness’ as energetic,” she answers:

In being directed toward others, one acts, or is committed to specific actions, which point toward the future. When bodies share an object of desire, one could say they have an “affinity” or they are going in “the same direction.” Furthermore, the affinity of such bodies involves identification: in being directed toward a shared object, as a direction that is repeated over time, they are also orientated around a shared object. So, for instance, in being directed toward the oriental object or other, they may be oriented around “the West,” as what the world coheres around. Orientalism, in other words, would involve not just making imaginary distinctions between the West and the Orient, but would also shape how bodies cohere, by facing in the same direction. Objects become objects only as an effect of the repetition of this tending “toward” them, which produces the subject as that which the world is “around.” The orient is then “orientated”; it is reachable as an object given how the world takes shape “around” certain bodies. (120)

As I read this passage, I wondered whether something similar might be said about First Nations, Métis, and Inuit people in Canada. To what extent are those nations objects of Canada’s desire? To what extent does Canada cohere—to the extent that it does cohere—around those nations as objects? Could we produce a phenomenology of Canadian orientations towards First Nations, Métis, and Inuit people that would generate a similar result to Ahmed’s phenomenology of Orientalism? I would love to read something that addresses those questions, with or without the phenomenological flavour. The paper David Garneau gave on the Indian Pavillion at Expo 67 at the University of Regina on Friday afternoon gestured in that direction, but that wasn’t his primary focus.

Next, Ahmed turns to the reproduction of whiteness. She writes, “spaces become racialized by how they are directed or orientated, as a direction that follows a specific line of desire” (120), and that racialization includes whiteness. “The alignment of race and space is crucial to how they materialize as givens, as if each ‘extends’ the other,” she continues:

In other words, while “the other side of the world” is associated with “racial otherness,” racial others become associated with the “other side of the world.” They come to embody distance. This embodiment of distance is what makes whiteness “proximate,” as the “starting point” for orientation. Whiteness becomes what is “here,” a line from which the world unfolds, which also makes what is “there” on “the other side.” (121)

Echoing her earlier comments regarding straightening devices, Ahmed suggests that whiteness is more than just a straight line against which nonwhite bodies are seen as oblique or askew. Rather, “whiteness is ‘attributed’ to bodies as if it were a property of bodies; one way of describing this process is to describe whiteness as a straightening device” (121). Whiteness gets reproduced, she continues, “through acts of alignment, which are forgotten when we receive its line,” especially through the white family—not in a biological sense, but through the cultural expectation that children resemble their parents, even if they look quite different (121-22). Whiteness is therefore a form of bodily inheritance, but one based on expectations of “shared attributes,” which are taken up, retrospectively, as evidence of family or even community linkages (122). Another way to think about the relationship between inheritance and likeness, Ahmed writes, is to consider that “we inherit proximities (and hence orientations) as our points of entry into a familial space, as ‘a part’ of a new generation. Such an inheritance in turn generates ‘likeness’” (123). The notion of likeness or resemblance between parents and children is therefore an effect of proximity (nearness) or contact, which is then taken up as a sign of biological inheritance, rather than likeness or resemblance being the cause of that proximity (123). Moreover, while proximity is inherited, that inheritance can be refused and does not determine any future course of action (123). “Rather than thinking about the question of inheritance in terms of nature versus nature, or biology versus culture, we should be thinking in terms of contingency or contact (touch),” Ahmed writes (124). “[T]hings are shaped by their proximity to other things, whereby this proximity itself is inherited in the sense that it is the condition of our arrival into the world” (124). 

This is a difficult argument to understand, because it resists our commonsense notions of family resemblances as having a biological basis, and I wonder if Ahmed doesn’t push it too far. I look very much like my father, for example, and I don’t think it is because of proximity or contact, but because I have inherited genetic characteristics from him. Perhaps Ahmed is merely talking about whiteness as an inheritance, though. “In the case of race, we would say that bodies come to be seen as ‘alike’—for instance, ‘sharing whiteness’ as a ‘characteristic,’ as an effect of such proximities, where certain ‘things’ are already ‘in place’” (124). Those things, perhaps, include the expectation that children will resemble their parents, in a racialized sense, and Ahmed’s argument seems to be that those expectations are constructed on the basis of proximity. At least, I think that’s the argument. I find it very hard to follow.

The question of inheritance and whiteness as a social phenomenon is clearer than Ahmed’s discussion of family resemblances. “To inherit whiteness is to become invested in the line of whiteness: it is both to participate in it and to transform the body into a ‘part’ of it, as if each body is another ‘point’ that accumulates to extend the line,” she writes. “Whiteness becomes a social inheritance: in receiving whiteness as a gift, white bodies—or those bodies that can be recognized as white bodies—come to ‘possess’ whiteness as if it were a shared attribute” (125). But for Ahmed, inheritance can be rethought in terms of orientations:

we inherit the reachability of some objects, those that are “given” to us or at least are made available to us within the family home. I am not suggesting here that “whiteness” is one such “reachable object” but rather that whiteness is an orientation that puts certain things within reach. By objects, we would include not just physical objects, but also styles, capacities, aspirations, techniques, even worlds. In putting certain things in reach, a world acquires it[s] shape; the white world is a world orientated “around” whiteness. This world, too, is “inherited” as a dwelling: it is a world shaped by colonial histories, which affect not simply how maps are drawn, but the kinds of orientations we have toward objects and others. Race becomes, in this model, a question of what is within reach, what is available to perceive and to do “things” with. (126)

This quotation reminds me of Peggy McIntosh’s essay on white privilege, in which she argues, “White privilege is like an invisible weightless knapsack of special provisions, maps, passports, codebooks, visas, clothes, tools and blank checks” ([10]). What is different about Ahmed’s version, though, is the notion that along with inheriting whiteness, white people inherit colonial histories that shape their orientations, the directions they face and the things they are able to perceive—and the things they cannot perceive, like whiteness itself, which forms part of the background of a white person’s life, even as it circulates in political and affective economies, generating rates of return for bodies that are considered to be white (129).

Ahmed argues that whiteness is a habit, not unlike her claim that heterosexuality is the product of repetition:

We might be used to thinking of bodies as “having” habits, usually bad ones. We could even describe whiteness as a bad habit: as a series of actions that are repeated, forgotten, and that allow some bodies to take up space by restricting the mobility of others. I want to explore here how public spaces take shape through the habitual actions of bodies, such that the contours of space could be described as habitual. I turn to the concept of habits to theorize not so much how bodies acquire their shape, but how spaces acquire the shape of the bodies that “inhabit” them. We could think about the “habit” in the “inhabit.” (129)

The habitual can be thought of as a bodily and spatial form of inheritance, because we acquire our tendencies—“the repetition of the tending toward is what identity ‘coheres’ around,” Ahmed writes—from what we inherit (129). “To describe whiteness as a habit, as second nature, is to suggest that whiteness is what bodies do, where the body takes the shape of the action,” she continues. “Such habits are not ‘exterior’ to bodies, as things that can be ‘put on’ or ‘taken off.’ If habits are about what bodies do, in ways that are repeated, then they might shape what bodies can do” (129-30). That shaping doesn’t only affect what such bodies can do, but it also restricts their possibilities for action as well (130).

Moreover, because habits are actions we perform without thinking about them, the body itself is habitual because when it performs actions repeatedly, “it does not command attention, apart from the ‘surface’ where it ‘encounters’ an external object” (130). “In other words,” Ahmed continues, “the body is habitual insofar as it ‘trails behind’ in the performing of an action, insofar as it does not pose ‘a problem’ or an obstacle to the action, or it is not ‘stressed’ by ‘what’ the action encounters” (130). In other words, the habitual body is behind the action, in the background (131), which suggests that whiteness itself is in the background, something that is a given that does not have our attention:

White bodies are habitual insofar as they “trail behind” actions: they do not get “stressed” in their encounters with objects or others, as their whiteness “goes unnoticed.” Whiteness lags behind such bodies. White bodies do not have to face their whiteness; they are not orientated “toward” it, and this “not” is what allows whiteness to cohere, as that which bodies are orientated around. By not having to encounter being white as an obstacle, given that whiteness is “in line” with what is already given, bodies that pass as white move easily, and this motility is extended by what they move toward. The white body in this way expands; objects, tools, instruments, and even “others” allow that body to inhabit space by extending that body and what it can reach. Whiteness becomes habitual in the sense that white bodies extend their reach by incorporating objects that are within reach. To make this point simply: what is “within reach” also “extends the reach” of such bodies. (132)

“Whiteness is only invisible for those who inhabit it, or for those who get so used to its inhabitance that they learn not to see it, even when they are not in it,” Ahmed writes (133). Spaces become shaped by and orientated around whiteness, particularly institutional spaces, like universities (132-33). “It is not just that there is a desire for whiteness that leads to white bodies getting in,” Ahmed writes; “rather, whiteness is what the institution is orientated ‘around,’ so that even bodies that might not appear white still have to inhabit ‘whiteness’ if they are to get ‘in’” (134).

Being orientated in this way, for white people, is to feel at home in the world. It is to feel a certain comfort, something we only notice when we lose it and become uncomfortable (134). “To be comfortable is to be so at ease with one’s environment that it is hard to distinguish where one’s body ends and the world begins,” Ahmed contends. “One fits, and in the act of fitting, the surfaces of bodies disappear from view. White bodies are comfortable as they inhabit spaces that extend their shape. The bodies and spaces ‘point’ toward each other, as a ‘point’ that is not seen as it is also ‘the point’ from which we see” (134-35). However, Ahmed is not arguing that whiteness has its own ontological force. It is not something with substance. Nor is it reducible to white skin or even to something we can have or be. After all, nonwhite bodies do inhabit white spaces, although as they do so, they either become invisible or hypervisible. “You learn to fade into the background,” she writes, “but sometimes you cannot. The moments when the body appears ‘out of place’ are moments of political and personal trouble” (135). However, even white bodies can be “out of line” with the institutions they inhabit, particularly if those bodies are queer, or deviate from the vertical axis in some other way (136-37). 

Because they are comfortable in the world, white bodies move with comfort through space, and to experience the world as if it were home (136). “Bodies that are not restricted by racism, or by other technologies used to ensure that space is given to some rather than others,” Ahmed writes, “are bodies that don’t have to come up against the limitations of this fantasy of motility. Such bodies are both shaped by motility, and they may even take the shape of that motility” (136). Whiteness is also a straightening device: “bodies disappear into the ‘sea of whiteness’ when they ‘line up’ with the vertical and horizontal lines of social reproduction, which allows bodies to extend their reach” (137). In fact, whiteness becomes the universal definition of what is human, and so not to be white is to inhabit the negative, the “not,” which for Ahmed is a way of describing “the social and existential realities of racism” (139). “If Merleau-Ponty’s model of the body in Phenomenology of Perception is about ‘motility,’ expressed in the hopefulness of the utterance, ‘I can,’” she continues, “Fanon’s phenomenology of the black body could be described in terms of the bodily and social experience of restriction, uncertainty, and blockage, or perhaps even in terms of the despair of the utterance ‘I cannot’” (139). For Merleau-Ponty, that is, the body is successful if it is able to extend itself through objects in order to act on and in the world, but Fanon reveals that this success is a bodily form of privilege, rather than competence (139). “To be black or not white in ‘the white world,’” Ahmed argues, “is to turn back toward oneself, to become an object, which means not only being extended by the contours of the world, but being diminished as an effect of the bodily extensions of others” (139). 

As I’ve suggested, Ahmed is a mixed-race person, and she suggests that there is “something queer” about that orientation, something that produces discomfort, which paradoxically “allows things to move” (154). Such discomfort is what a queer genealogy would produce: through the affective possibilities of coming into contact with objects that reside on different lines, such a genealogy would open up new kinds of connection. “As we know,” she writes,

things are kept apart by such lines: they make some proximities not impossible, but dangerous. And yet, mixing does happen, and lines to not always direct us. A queer genealogy would be full of such ordinary proximities. This would not be about the meeting point between two lines that would simply create new lines . . . but rather about the “crossing” of existing lines in the very failure to return to them. After all, the gap between what one receives and what one becomes is opened up as an effect of how things arrive and of the “mixtures” of any arrival. This is not to say that some bodies necessarily acquire such orientations as effects of their own arrival. Rather it is to say that the unsettling effect of such arrivals is what allows that which has been received to be noticeable. We don’t always know what might be unsettling; what might make the lines that that direct us more noticeable as lines in one moment or another. But once unsettled it might be impossible to return, which of course means that we turn somewhere else, as a turning that might open up different horizons. (154-55)

As a descendant of settlers, I find the word “unsettling” very thought-provoking. What can unsettle a settler? For me, discovering the history of the place where I grew up—the fact that the land on which I was raised was stolen from the Haudenosaunee—was unsettling. And I have found it impossible to return to what I was before that unsettling experience. I feel the same way about learning about the nature of Treaty Four, the agreement between the Cree and Saulteaux people, on the one hand, and the federal government, on the other. For the Cree and Saulteaux Chiefs who negotiated that treaty, it was supposed to establish kinship relations with the newcomers, and to constitute an agreement to share the land; for the government negotiators, it was a land surrender—even though there’s no evidence that they told the Indigenous negotiators that the treaty would mean surrendering their land. That is another unsettling experience. And those unsettling experiences have opened up new horizons and lines of inquiry for me. The question, though, is how to translate those unsettling experiences into decolonization, given what seems to be the overwhelming power of whiteness. How does one refuse the twin inheritances of whiteness and colonialism, while still being a white settler living on stolen land? Isn’t that what decolonizing, for settlers, would entail? Ahmed seems to suggest that such refusals are possible (155), but I wonder if she means that white bodies can refuse those inheritances. Such a refusal would, she writes, reorient “our” relation to whiteness (155)—but who is included within that plural pronoun? Who is Ahmed’s audience?

In her conclusion, Ahmed suggests that moments of disorientation are vital, even though they are unsettling. In phenomenology, disorientation is followed by reorientation or realignment (159). But what happens if the disorientation cannot be overcome by the force of the vertical (159)? From Fanon, we learn about the experience of disorientation, of being an object among objects, of being shattered, “of being cut into pieces by the hostility of the white gaze” (160). “Disorientation,” Ahmed writes,

can be a bodily feeling of losing one’s place, and an effect of the loss of a place: it can be a violent feeling, and a feeling that is affected by violence, or shaped by violence directed toward the body. Disorientation involves failed orientations: bodies that inhabit spaces that do not extend their shape, or use objects that do not extend their reach. At this moment of failure, such objects “point” somewhere else or they make what is “here” become strange. Bodies that do not follow the line of whiteness, for instance, might be “stopped” in their tracks, which does not simply stop one from getting somewhere, but changes one’s relation to what is “here.” Where such lines block rather than enable action they become points that accumulate stress, or stress points. Bodies can even take the shape of such stress, as points of social and physical pressure that can be experienced as a physical press on the surface of the skin. (160)

In those moments of disorientation, objects slip away or retreat and become strange, as they do for the narrator of Jean-Paul Sartre’s novel, Nausea (165-66). And yet, returning to the theme of sexual orientation, Ahmed suggests that disorientation can be a positive thing. It is possible, she argues, to 

face the objects that retreat, and become strange in the face of their retreat, with a sense of hope. In facing what retreats with hope, such a queer politics would also look back to the conditions of arrival. We look back, in other words, as a refusal to inherit, as a as a refusal that is a condition for the arrival of queer. To inherit the past in the world for queers would be to inherit one’s own disappearance. . . . The task is to trace the lines for a different genealogy, one that would embrace the failure to inherit the family line as a condition of possibility for another way of dwelling in the world. (178)

This queer response to disorientation is also a form of queer politics that would be defined by both joy and hope for the future (178). To be queer is not to follow a line, but rather to ask “what our orientation toward queer moments of deviation will be,” and a queer phenomenology “would involve an orientation toward queer, a way of inhabiting the world by giving ‘support’ to those whose lives and loves make them appear oblique, strange, and out of place” (179). It’s clear that Ahmed is using the word “queer” to refer to sexual orientation here, but I wonder if it would be possible to use that word in its more general sense. Would it be possible, by refusing (or trying to refuse) the inheritance of colonialism and whiteness, to attempt a different kind of queer politics? It’s hard to say.

Queer Phenomenology is an important book, an engaged critique, theorization, and application of phenomenological ideas that provides a way to think about issues related to the body (and therefore embodiment) and space. The next logical step, I know, would be to turn to Merleau-Ponty’s The Phenomenology of Perception, but that’s a big book—some 600 pages of text and footnotes—and it might be wiser to leave it for the spring, when I won’t be teaching or taking a language class. I recently saw a quotation from Phil Smith’s Mythogeography: A Guide to Walking Sideways recently, and it seems to use phenomenology to think about walking, but although I thought I had a copy, it turns out that I don’t. So I could turn to Tim Ingold’s book about lines, following Ahmed’s preoccupation with that image, while I’m waiting for Smith’s book to arrive. I’m not sure. I am sure, though, that I will return to this book in the future, both in an attempt to clarify the points where I was confused by Ahmed’s argument, and to answer the questions I still have about how her argument might be applied to my own research. 

Works Cited

Ahmed, Sara. Queer Phenomenology: Orientations, Objects, Others. Duke UP, 2006.

McIntosh, Peggy. “White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack.” Peace and Freedom, July-August 1989, pp. 10-12. https://psychology.umbc.edu/files/2016/10/White-Privilege_McIntosh-1989.pdf.

Merleau-Ponty, Maurice. The Phenomenology of Perception, translated by Donald A. Landes, Routledge, 2013.

Smith, Phil. Mythogeography: A Guide to Walking Sideways. Triarchy, 2014.