Vikas Mehta, “Walkable Streets: Pedestrian Behavior, Perceptions and Attitudes”

Yes, another paper about walkability: I’m learning about this topic, but slowly. Mehta begins by noting that walking “is largely influenced by cultural factors, by individual circumstances, preferences and characteristics, and by environmental factors” (217). He suggests that “urban designers are concerned with the environmental qualities that make for better places to walk—not only as a physical activity, but also for the sensorial and experiential pleasure that may be derived from such environments,” and for this reason, “the aspects of the environment that impact the sensory and social qualities of the setting are particularly significant to the field of urban design” (217). “In addressing the microscale urban design qualities of the environment,” Mehta states, “this paper is concerned with the perception and effects of safety, comfort, and pleasurability on walking behavior on Main Streets” (217). I’m glad that his focus will be on urban spaces rather than parks or walking trails; although I do walk in parks, my research is more interested in the walkability of streets, since that’s where most artistic walking practices in the UK seem to take place, although the term “Main Street” may refer solely to commercial or retail streets, which might be a limitation to this study. Mehta discusses two other important factors related to walkability in the paper: “usefulness—the ability of the environment to serve basic needs and create place-attachment; and the sense of belonging created by the presence of community places” (217). 

Mehta points out that most studies of walkability “aim to determine environmental correlates of walking, considering aspects such as the compactness of development patterns, residential and employment density, access to and diversity of land-use mix, and design features such as shade, scenery, aesthetic characteristics of the local environment, local shopping, distance to retail and the presence of attractive stores and houses” (218). Other studies look at “the transportation infrastructure, access to transit, the accessibility of facilities, access to recreational facilities, intersection density, the presence of sidewalks, recreation space in the neighborhood, street patter and connectivity, and the neighborhood type” (218). Safety, aesthetics, and other neighbourhood characteristics are also studied in relation to walkability (218). Mehta states that this paper “provides a new conceptual framework built on empirical research from this study and existing theoretical models” (218). 

Designing for walkability, Mehta suggests, involves thinking of places as providing “sensory stimulation” while supporting “the desired behaviors of its users” (218). He argues that a broadened view of the environment, one that includes physical, social, psychological, and cultural factors that help to determine behaviour, is necessary. Mehta cites Alfonzo’s research, which argues for “a transdisciplinary theoretical model to explain how individual, group, environmental, regional, and other factors affect walking” (218-19). Alfonzo’s work (and once again, I find myself hating the way APA format omits the first names of authors) proposes a model of walking that consists of a hierarchy of five levels of needs in the decision-making process of walking: “feasibility, accessibility, safety, comfort, and pleasurability” (219). Michael Southworth, whose work I’ve also discussed here, proposes six criteria of walkability: “connectivity, linkage with other modes, fine-grained land-use patterns, safety, path quality, and path context” (219). Three of Southworth’s criteria—connectivity, linkage with other modes, and fine-grained land-use patterns—“seem more appropriate for capturing environmental features related to walking because they distinguish between path network at a neighborhood scale, the transportation at the city scale, and the grain of the land-use at the neighborhood scale,” and his notions of path quality and path context “cover similar grounds as comfort and pleasurability in Alfonzo’s” (219). “Both models discuss the importance of an individual’s ability to get to a destination, their perceived safety, the variety of the land uses, and the comfort and sensory pleasure offered by the walking environment,” but neither considers “the importance and relevance of usefulness of the land uses and activities on the path or destination of the walking environment” or “the significance of destinations that are perceived as places for social gathering on walking behavior” (219). For that reason, Mehta wants to consider “the significance of the usefulness of the environment and of places of social meaning on walking behavior” (219). For that reason, this paper “tries to capture the microscale-level physical, land use, and social characteristics that influence walking” in order to answer one question: “What are the microscale environmental characteristics and criteria that influence walking behavior on Main Street?” (219).

For Mehta, the street’s characteristics consist of physical factors (including things like wide sidewalks, trees, canopies, interesting and engaging storefronts, signage, street furniture, and what buildings look like), land-use factors (the variety and range of businesses and the uniqueness of the goods and services they sell), and social factors (community-gathering places, the presence of people and activities, and safety) (219). These factors influence the perceptions of the street’s users, along with cultural factors and the user’s individual associations and background (219). Together, the user’s perceptions and the characteristics of the street “affect the overall perceived quality of the street,” which Mehta sees as having seven separate categories: “feasibility, accessibility, usefulness, safety, comfort, sensory pleasure, and sense of belonging” (220). 

Next, Mehta discusses the literature on walkability using his own categories. He notes that Alfonzo sees feasibility and accessibility as “the first-order needs of walking” (220). A walker must have the time and ability to make a journey on foot: that’s the meaning of feasibility (220). Accessibility, on the other hand, “includes the ability of a person to be able to access the destination; the distances to a destination; the physical and perceived barriers to walking to a place; and the connectivity between land uses” (220). Southworth’s criteria of connectivity and linkage with other modes (220). Mehta assumes that the “first-order needs of feasibility and accessibility have already been met for the person making the walking trip to Main Street”—so that pedestrian has the time and ability to walk, the distance to the destination is short, and there are no physical or other barriers to that destination—so they aren’t considered as part of this study.

Mehta sees usefulness as “the ability for the environment to satisfy the individual’s basic day-to-day needs for shopping, eating, entertainment, and so on” (220). This is similar to Southworth’s notion of fine-grained land-use patterns (220). Mehta notes that people are more likely to walk to places where there are places to eat and shop, but the quality of the goods and services on offer also makes the environment useful and desirable for walking (220). Usefulness makes the environment meaningful to the individual (220). Usefulness can encourage frequency of use, which “translates into a familiarity with the environment and becomes a routine that creates a sense of place and place-attachment for the users of the environment” (220). He suggests that space-time routines that generate familiarity were at the heart of Jane Jacobs’s observations on Greenwich Village in New York (220). For that reason, “usefulness of the street results in possibly satisfying higher-order needs that encourage walking to the Main Street” (220).

Safety—both real and perceived—affects and is affected by the use of the environment (221). Environmental characteristics—the physical condition and maintenance of the environment, its configuration of streets and spaces, the types of land uses, the changes that have been made to the environment, the presence or absence of people (and the kind of people there)—all affect perceptions of safety (221). Safety from traffic is also important: reducing street widths and speed limits, introducing traffic calming measures, barriers between pedestrians and the street (parked cars, trees, plantings) all increase real and perceived safety (221).

Comfort, both environmental and physical, “may be affected by myriad factors including weather, physical conditions, perceived levels of safety, familiarity of the setting and people, convenience, and so on,” Mehta writes (221). In this study, though, Mehta limits comfort “to the physical and environmental [e]ffects of the environment to provide the ability for a person to conduct the tasks of walking on Main Street” (221). The street environment design needs to be “anthropometrically and ergonomically sensitive”; wide sidewalks, trees, shade, shelter, a path free of obstacles, and traffic calming all contribute to comfort (221).

Sensory pleasure “depends on various stimuli perceived from the environment—from the lights, sounds, smells, touches, colors, shapes, patterns, textures, and so on, of the fixed, semi-fixed, and movable elements that make up the street” (222). A moderate level of complexity helps to create sensory pleasure, as do variety, novelty, order, and coherence (222). All aspects of the environment—the windows and canopies and awnings of buildings, for instance, the street and the sidewalk, the people and their movements—help generate sensory pleasure (222). Mehta states that “people prefer public open spaces that provide a moderate level of culturally acceptable sensory stimuli resulting in a complexity that heightens interest without becoming over-stimulated and chaotic” (222). What does “culturally acceptable” mean in this context, though? That’s a very loaded term.

A sense of belonging to community places is another factor that, Mehta argues, is ignored by existing theoretical models of walkability (222). “Sociologists have long emphasized the significance of the symbolic dimension of shared experiences of people in a neighborhood,” he writes (222). Places can help to generate that symbolic dimension: long-standing small local businesses, for instance, or informal community-gathering places, can create a sense of belonging and attachment (222). 

Mehta concludes that this literature review indicates “that the characteristics of land use and the physical and social environment are all important to provide a useful, safe, comfortable, pleasurable, and meaningful setting for people to walk in urban public spaces” (222). This study builds on that research, he continues, by examining “the associations between the characteristics of the environment on the neighborhood Main Street and walking behavior—not only as a physical activity, but also for the overall experience it offers to the pedestrian” (222). In addition, Mehta embraces a subjective measurement on the effect of environmental characteristics on human activity, because those subjective perceptions “may be as important as the objectively measured environmental characteristics” (222). 

Next, Mehta describes his methodology: the study looks at three streets in two cities and one town in the Boston area (223). These are all places with older buildings (built more than 40 years ago) which are built to the sidewalk without setbacks and that are up to four stories in height (224). The streets have seen public improvements to become more pedestrian friendly, including widening sidewalks, curbside parking, tree planting, and the installation of street furniture (benches, bicycle racks, garbage cans, street lighting) (224). All three streets are served by public transit and have a combination of independently owned businesses and national chains (224). In addition, all three streets have “a myriad of uses,” from various kinds of housing, stores offering different goods and services, and public institutions (224). They are all set in primarily residential neighbourhoods and are near university campuses (224). “In addition, the people of the Boston metropolitan area consider these destinations for shopping, dining, and entertainment,” Mehta writes (225).

For the study, 19 blocks in those three areas were selected “to achieve a range in the microscale-level physical, land-use and social characteristics,” which translated in practice into “selecting blocks with a range in the physical size and type of businesses on a block; a range in the variety of businesses on a block; a range in the presence or absence of community-place on a block; a range in the presence or absence of street furniture on a block; and a range in the degree of interesting and engaging storefronts, signage and displays on the block” (225). The neighbourhood-scale characteristics—“the housing and commercial density of the area, the type of people living in the area, the proximity to major natural features such as a water’s edge, and major uses such as a university or a cultural institution, or a transit hub”—remained “common” (225). I’m not entirely sure if that means common to the selected blocks in a given area, or common between the three areas, but I think it means the former, because Mehta tells us that “the selected blocks in each of the three study areas were part of the same urban context with similar neighborhood-scale characteristics of the environment” which “allowed for minimum variation in the macro-scale factors among the selected blocks in a study area” (225-26).

Mehta counted “all pedestrians crossing a randomly selected imaginary line in both directions at various locations on each block for 10 or 15 minutes” more than once and averaged the results (226). In all, he observed the blocks for 71 hours and counted 33,932 pedestrians between April and October 2005. In addition, both a face-to-face survey and interviews were conducted (227). In the survey, “users were asked to rate their familiarity with the block; their perceived daytime and nighttime safety on the block; their perceived pedestrian-friendliness of the block; their perceived range of goods and services on the block; and so on” (227). The interview asked different questions, such as “What has changed in the area/neighborhood in the last few months or years?” and “Do you use this block more often compared to other blocks on this street?” (227). Those surveys and interviews were conducted on four blocks that were considered “most representative of each study area,” so “each participant responded to four standard questionnaires that included a survey and open-ended interview questions” (227-28). I have no idea whether this methodology makes sense for social scientists, but the paper passed its peer review, which must mean something.

The results of this activity indicated that more pedestrians walked on blocks that were close to transit stops, but “transit stops were not the only factor determining the volume of pedestrian flow”: instead, the “perception of usefulness, safety, comfort, sensory pleasure and sense of belonging contributed to the number of persons walking on a block” (228). Those aspects of the blocks were determined through the interviews (228). 

Mehta goes over those interview results in detail, but because I wanted to get to his discussion of those results, so I skipped ahead. “The findings reveal a hierarchy of needs at the microscale that support walking behavior,” Mehta writes, noting that “people perceived differences in physical, land-use, and social characteristics across blocks on the same Main Street, and this affected their walking behavior” (240). In addition, 

people preferred blocks that had a variety in the mix of uses and stores, particularly those that served daily needs; blocks that had gathering places where they could meet their friends and also be able to see other people and activities; blocks that had a distinctive character or ambiance; blocks that were pedestrian-friendly and visually interesting; blocks that had stores and businesses with good service; and blocks that had a stores that were perceived as destinations. (240)

Thus, all five of Mehta’s aspects—“usefulness, safety, comfort, pleasurability, and sense of belonging”—were important to the users of these streets (240). “However,” he continues, “people suggested that usefulness, sense of belonging and pleasurability (in that order) were most important to them in the hierarchy of walking needs” (240). Safety and comfort may have been less important, because all three streets had been upgraded recently to make them comfortable and pedestrian-friendly (240). 

However, those aspects are not the only reason people might decide to walk: “The cultural acceptance of that behavior”—in this case, walking—“is essential for it to occur as a common activity” (240). Mehta assumes that walking on Main Street is culturally acceptable in all three areas, but while “walking behavior took place on the blocks that offered limited usefulness, comfort, sources of sensory pleasure and places to commune,” that behavior was “a necessary activity” rather than “an optional or social activity” (240). “This assumption is consistent with Alfonzo’s model,” Mehta continues—and Alfonzo’s article is waiting for me to read—but Mehta suggests that both usefulness and a sense of belonging ought to be incorporated in that hierarchy of needs (240). 

In his conclusion, Mehta addresses policy and design issues suggested by his findings. For instance, he suggests that “Main Streets will be more walkable if they are planned and designed to have businesses that are useful to the people who use these streets; if they are managed to support community-gathering places; and if they integrate places of social meaning” (242). But can planning and design really “attract and encourage a variety of businesses” and “recognize, support and preserve any community-gathering places that act as destinations and provide a sense of belonging for users of the main streets” (242)? Aren’t those features of urban streets formed by organic processes? Perhaps zoning and bylaws might play a role, but how much of walkable spaces is the result of history and luck? How much can be mandated by city governments or their planning departments? 

Mehta’s article is interesting, if only because his research sites are so different from the city where I live, which might suggest its lack of walkability. Certainly most of the blocks where I find myself walking here offer limited usefulness, comfort, sources of sensory pleasure or places where community members might gather. Instead, most of this city is designed around the car—and the areas of the older city that might provide the density necessary to support the urban fabric Mehta examines here lack usefulness and comfort. My big question—whether this city’s reliance on the private automobile and its lack of walkability present obstacles to the existence of a culture of walking—remains unanswered. I’m also still wondering whether a culture of walking is necessary to support or feed the kinds of participatory or convivial art walking practices that seem to be so central in the UK. That’s my biggest question, and I may have to make up my own answer.

At some point, of course, I’m going to have to stop gathering string on this topic, but perhaps I should continue reading through the articles I’ve gathered and also look at the work of Jane Jacobs and Henri Lefebvre, as a Facebook friend has suggested. All I can do is pursue this tangent until I either find answers to my questions or realize that I’m going to have to provide my own answers. How frightening—it’s always more comfortable to footnote something in an academic paper, because someone else’s idea always feels more valid than one’s own—but then again, how liberating.

Work Cited

Mehta, Vikas. “Walkable Streets: Pedestrian Behavior, Perceptions and Attitudes.” Journal of Urbanism, vol. 1, no. 3, 2008, pp. 217-45. DOI: 10.1080/17549170802529480. 

Southworth, Michael. “Designing the Walkable City.” Journal of Urban Planning and Development, vol. 131, no. 4, 2005, pp. 246-57. DOI: 10.1061/(ASCE)0733-9488(2005)131:4(246).

Filipe Moura, Paulo Cambra, and Alexandre B. Gonçalves, “Measuring Walkability for Distinct Pedestrian Groups with a Participatory Assessment Method: A Case Study in Lisbon”

The last article I read, Michael Southworth’s “Designing the Walkable City,” defined walkability and explained why it is both important and, for the most part, absent from contemporary North American cities; in this article, the three co-authors suggest a way of measuring walkability. “We believe that beyond adequate pedestrian accessibility indicators, attractiveness indicators are key in the process of walkability assessment,” they write (283), suggesting that they may be focusing on something not unlike the phenomenon that Southworth calls “path context” (251-54). For that reason, “measuring walkability with an additional attractiveness perspective besides pedestrian accessibility enriches the modelling and evaluation procedure” (283). “However, we argue that walkability cannot be definable as a single and universal entity,” they argue. “In fact, the built environment factors that affect walking likely differ according to other factors: pedestrian characteristics (young/old, male/female, fit/unfit), walking purpose (utilitarian/leisure), urban context and other environmental and cultural aspects,” and “integrated and structured analysis that bring together these concerns is still lacking” (283).

In this paper, the co-authors aim “to present a participatory walkability assessment framework for distinct pedestrian groups,” which they call IAAPE (Indicators of Accessibility and Attractiveness of Pedestrian Environments), which “aims to support urban planning and design for more walkable environments” (283). They explain the IAAPE tool and present a case study of two districts in Lisbon’s central area in which they applied that tool and measured the walkability of the streets. It sounds interesting, although I have trouble imagining central Lisbon as being anything other than a pedestrian’s paradise. 

First, though, comes a literature review. “If walking is a simple way of getting around, addressing the variety of environmental factors that may encourage or deter walking is neither that simple nor unanimous,” the co-authors state. “The complexity of relations between the built environment factors and walking behaviour, the role of individual perceptions, the importance of attitudes, lifestyle and transportation alternatives lead to an intricate frame of reciprocal influences that researchers are just starting to untangle” (283). There are several methodological issues that have yet to be addressed in relation to measuring that complex web of connections. The co-authors list many measurement methodologies that have emerged from different disciplines, but they suggest that in most of those tools, the evaluation criteria are dispersed and not clearly structured, “resulting in the use of a simple additive model of scores from arbitrarily selected evaluation criteria” (284). Determining the critical evaluation factors and their relative importance is a key issue (284). The co-authors accept research that identifies the so-called five C criteria—Connectedness, Convenience, Comfort, Conviviality (both aesthetic and social pleasure), and Conspicuousness—and add two more: Coexistence (“the extent to which the pedestrian and other transport modes can coexist at the same time and place with order and peace”) and Commitment (“the extent to which there is evidence of commitment, liability and responsibility towards the pedestrian environment, by local communities and administration”) (284). “As with other classifications, some of these factors have a fairly straightforward understand whilst others overlap,” they note (284). 

Surprisingly, the co-authors acknowledge that “there is not a ‘one size fits all’ walkability measure. Instead it varies with trip purpose, pedestrian group and are subject to local conditions, being difficult to adopt results and tools originated in many different urban contexts,” particularly between European and North American or Australian cities (284). “In this paper, a participatory and CIS-based walkability assessment framework has been developed to put into practice the 7C’s layout, which is able to address different scales (city, neighbourhood and street), different pedestrian groups (adults, seniors, children, and people with mobility impairments), and different trip purposes (utilitarian, leisure),” the co-authors write. “The IAAPE framework was developed to support and be used by local authorities and urban planning and design practitioners, by involving the main stakeholders since the beginning of the assessment framework that is described in the next section” (285).

That next section introduces the IAAPE assessment framework. This section is a deep dive into their methodology, and while I’m sure it’s important, I’m also sure that I lack the statistical background to do more than get a headache here. For that reason, I skipped ahead to the results section of the article—which reflects on the validity of the IAAPE assessment tool, rather than the Lisbon neighbourhoods they tested using that tool. Then they discuss the validation of that tool in more detail, which involves a thorough explanation of what actually happens: “on-foot street auditing” by a team of six auditors (292) and a survey in which residents were asked to identify the most and least pedestrian-friendly streets in their neighbourhoods (293). The data produced by both methods were compared; the results of that comparison validate the process (293). It seems that the “on-foot street auditing” tended to agree with the perceptions of residents (294). 

The co-authors suggest that issues like street cleanliness and maintenance, on the one hand, and traffic, on the other, are “the most important factors to rate negatively a street”; they are related to Commitment and Coexistence (294). They also suggest that measuring tools should “include a subtractive component to better reflect negative impacts on the perceived walkability” (294). In their conclusion, the co-authors suggest that the IAAPE assessment framework “brings new contributions for the walkability evaluation in six main aspects” (295). Again, this discussion is highly technical and not that helpful to me. On the one hand, I’m glad people are doing this research, and would be curious to see how Regina would score on a similar walkability study, although the co-authors warn against simply borrowing their methodology, which was designed for Lisbon, and using it to measure walkability in another city (295). Without that kind of detailed assessment, however, my sense of Regina’s walkability will remain idiosyncratic, anecdotal, and personal. I’m fine with that, and although social scientists would not be, I’m not that concerned, because I’m not a social scientist. In addition, the attractiveness indicators they co-authors consider seem to have little to do with attractiveness; they only consider sidewalk cleanliness, but surely the aspect that Southworth calls “path context” covers a lot more ground. To be honest, this article may have been less useful than I’d hoped, but it’s also true that I’m tired after a long day of reading and hoping for broad strokes and clear outcomes rather than a discussion of methodology. You can’t pick a winner every time.

Works Cited

Moura, Filipe, Paulo Cambra, and Alexandre B. Gonçalves. “Measuring Walkability for Distinct Pedestrian Groups with a Participatory Assessment Method: A Case Study in Lisbon.” Landscape and Urban Planning, no. 157, 2017, pp. 282-96. DOI:10.1016/j.landurbplan.2016.07.002. 

Southworth, Michael. “Designing the Walkable City.” Journal of Urban Planning and Development, vol. 131, no. 4, 2005, pp. 246-57. DOI: 10.1061/(ASCE)0733-9488(2005)131:4(246)

Michael Southworth, “Designing the Walkable City”

My brief (I hope) exploration of the concept of walkable cities continues with Michael Southworth’s “Designing the Walkable City.” Southworth notes that urban planning is shifting away from “auto-centric” forms “to mandated accommodation of the pedestrian and bicycle in federally supported transportation projects” (246). (He’s an American, so he’s not talking about federally supported transportation projects in Canada.) “Pedestrian and bicycle needs are now considered in transportation planning at all scales, from local streets to regional arterials,” he writes (246). In this paper, Southworth “considers pedestrian needs in urban and suburban environments, focusing on the performance dimensions and criteria for a walkable city” (246).

Southworth distinguishes between the ways that transportation planning and urban planning have developed over the previous century: urban planning looks at “the concrete experiential qualities of the built environment, generally at small to medium scale,” whereas transportation planning thinks about “more abstract function and efficiency, particularly for the motorist, at the scale of cities and regions” (246). Urban planning is about “‘micro’ variables,” while transportation planning is about “abstract ‘macro’ variables” (247). Transportation planners rarely consider “quality of the environment and user perceptions,” and they treat pedestrians “negatively because they slow dow the flow of vehicles at street crossings” (247). “The consequences for the urban environment and for pedestrians have been enormous,” he notes (247). Regina seems to have had a lot of transportation planning, but no urban planning, according to Southworth’s definitions.

And yet, walkability “was essential in cities before the automobile era,” since “everyone depended upon ready access by foot or slow moving cart, wagon, or carriage for access to jobs and the marketplace” (247). “Activity patterns had to be fine grained, density of dwellings had to be relatively high, and everything had to be connected by a continuous pedestrian path network,” Southworth writes, giving medieval cities as an example (247). “Industrial cities of the 19th century, too, maintained good walkability, since most workers did not have access to horse-drawn carriages or even streetcars,” he continues, noting that those cities were not healthy “due to poor air and water quality and lack of sanitation” (247). Contemporary cities contribute to public health problems in other ways, by “encouraging and supporting a sedentary life style dependent upon the automobile” (247). 

“High speed transport and the quest for efficiency killed the walkable city,” Southworth continues, with each advance in transportation technology having a “negative impact on the pedestrian environment”—particularly the automobile, which become important in the 1920s, along with Modernism: “The pedestrian environment was ignored in favor of the automobile, which allowed things to be much farther apart” (247). In addition, “the fine grained pedestrian network” was broken up by “hazardous high speed traffic,” which “imposed barriers to free movement on foot” (247). Thus, “the street lost its intimate scale and transparency, and became a mere service road, devoid of public life” (247). In addition, Modernist planning “separated pedestrians from the automobile, shunting them off to raised plazas, skywalks, barren ‘greenways,’ and sterile pedestrian malls” (247). The results “have been codified in the transportation and street design standards that we struggle with today” (247). Indeed, in the contemporary “postindustrial city it is impossible for the pedestrian or bicyclist to navigate frequently” (247). The pedestrian-friendly interconnected grid of streets has been abandoned in areas of cities built after the 1950s, block sizes are too large to allow for a variety of route choices, and “land use patterns are coarse[,] with activities widely spaced and segregated by type” (247). “Streets are often over scaled and inhospitable to pedestrians and frequently lack sidewalks in order to reduce infrastructure construction and maintenance costs,” Southworth writes. “The entire system has been designed for the convenience of the motorist” (247). Southworth is describing the city where I live.

Next, Southworth defines walkability: it is “the extent to which the built environment supports and encourages walking by providing for pedestrian comfort and safety, connecting people with varied destinations within a reasonable amount of time and effort, and offering visual interest in journeys throughout the network” (248). Most of Regina lacks those qualities. “A highly walkable environment invites walking by means of a richly connected path network that provides access to the everyday places people want to go,” he continues. “It is safe and comfortable, with streets that are easy to cross for people of varied ages and degrees of mobility. Spaces are attractive and engaging to be in, with street trees or other landscape elements, coherent but varied built form, and visual connection with the life of the place” (248). In addition, the “pedestrian network links seamlessly, without interruptions and hazards,” and the “path system is sufficiently complex to be explorable over time, offering varied visual experiences with repeated encounters” (248). A walkable city also “supports walking for utilitarian purposes such as shopping or the journey to work, as well as for pleasure, recreation, and health” (248). Again, Regina isn’t like that. It seems safe to say that it’s not a particularly walkable place.

“The benefits of increasing walking are widely recognized,” Southworth writes (248). “Walkability is the foundation for the sustainable city; without it, meaningful resource conservation will not be possible,” since walking is a “green” mode of transportation (248). Walking can be utilitarian, but it can also be recreational or social as well (248). It can also promote physical and mental health (248). Studies have shown that people who live in places where the urban fabric discourages walking are more likely to be obese and have hypertension than those who live in more compact and walkable areas (249). That research was controversial, and Southworth suggests that more systematic research is needed to understand whether the correlation reflects causation. In addition, “studies have suggested that quality of the walking environment influences the amount of walking people will do” (249). Other factors influence how much people walk. The “[f]unctionality of the network” is one important factor, but so too are weather, terrain, and safety (from crime and dangerous traffic), as are personal factors such as age and health (249). “Finally, visual interest along the path network is important,” Southworth writes. “A walk that is pleasurable, offering changing scenes and social encounters, is more likely to be repeated than one that is boring or unpleasant. This has been the least understood and most ignored variable in walkability planning and design” (249).

“What are the performance dimensions of a walkable city?” Southworth asks (249). Distance to destinations is the most important factor; most Americans will not walk more than 1/4 of a mile to a destination (249). Is that learned behaviour? Could it change? If walking were more pleasant and pleasurable, would people walk more? Or are we just lazy and dependent on our cars? Other studies, however, suggest that the quality of the path network is more important than distance (249). A walkable path network has some if not all of these qualities: it connects with places people want to go; it is linked to transit; it has “[f]ine grained and varied land use patterns”; it is safe; the path is of high quality, “including width, paving, landscaping, signing, and lighting”; and the “[p]ath context, including street design, visual interest of the built environment, transparency, spatial definition, landscape, and overall explorability” are of high quality (249). “In order to effectively plan and design for urban walkability, it will be essential to make the criteria operational and introduce them into practice,” Southwork states (249).

Now Southworth goes into those six attributes in more detail. “Connectivity of the path network is determined by the presence of sidewalks and other pedestrian paths and by the degree of path continuity and absence of significant barriers,” he writes (249). “[A]s patterns become finer grained and more interconnected, blocks become smaller with higher connectivity of paths, and the ratio of access for the ‘crow fly’ measure to actual walking approaches one,” the path network becomes more walkable (249). Southworth suggests that “a high density of intersections and small block sizes usually correlates with a high degree of connectivity,” whereas barriers to pedestrian access, including “cul-de-sacs and dead end streets, or busy arterials, railroad or power line rights-of-way, rivers, or topographic features must be minimized” (249-50). However “[m]ost of the postindustrial suburban landscape suffers from lack of pedestrian connectivity” (250). That problem can be addressed through retrofits, however, such as pedestrian bridges over highways (250).

Transit connections provide pedestrians with links to the larger city or region, but stations and stops need to be no more than 1/4 to 1/2 mile apart, typically a 10 to 20 minute walk (250). Moreover, walkable neighbourhoods or cities have “an accessible pattern of activities to serve daily needs” (250). “This means that one can reach most local-serving uses on foot within 10-20 min or up to 1/2 mi,” Southworth writes (250). The term “local-serving uses” includes shops, cafés, bakeries, day-care centres, fitness centres, schools, libraries, and parks (250). While surveys show that most Americans would like to be able to walk to these places, “most postindustrial development in the United States has lost walkability and the necessary fine-grained pattern of uses so that it is impossible in many areas to reach even one everyday activity on foot within 1/2 mi” (250). It is difficult, legally and practically, to make such low-density places into high-density ones without carrying out a major transformation of the city (250).

Safety may be “the best understood and most fully developed aspect of walkability” (250). “In most United States cities transportation and land use policies have made walking and bicycling inconvenient, unpleasant, and dangerous,” Southworth writes, because those cities are organized around automobiles, and “[e]nvironments that support fast and efficient auto travel are not enjoyable, safe, or interesting for pedestrians and bicyclists” (250). That lack of safety is reflected in the fact that pedestrians are 23 times more likely to get killed in traffic accidents than are automobile passengers (250). Traffic calming can reduce accidents, but in the previous 20 years the number of children and adolescents walking or biking to work has dropped by 40 percent, mostly because parents do not think walking or biking are safe (250-51).

The next attribute, path quality, begins with a description of the city where I walk:

Perhaps the least hospitable pedestrian path is the auto oriented commercial strip, a treeless expanse dominated by several lanes of noisy traffic, polluted air, glaring lights, and garish signs. The street has few, if any, designated crosswalks and is much too wide for a pedestrian to cross safely. The chaotic frontage is poorly defined, lined by blank big boxes, large parking lots, and drive-in businesses. Haphazard utility poles and boxes, street lights, traffic control signs, hydrants, mail boxes, and parking meters dominate the sidewalk, which is constantly interrupted by driveways to businesses. (251)

Add broken or missing sidewalks, and that’s a description of many streets in Regina. However,

the ideal pedestrian path will provide for the comfort and safety of pedestrians of varied ages and physical abilities. It should be continuous, without gaps, and should have a relatively smooth surface without pits, bumps, or other irregularities that could make walking and wheelchair access difficult or hazardous. It should be at least wide enough for 2-3 people to pass one another or to walk together in groups, and much wider in very urban situations. Terrain can be a significant factor in walkability, especially in cities with snow and ice. Steep hills . . . may require steps or even railings in sections to assist pedestrians. Encroachments into the pedestrian right-of-way such as utility poles, mail boxes, or newspaper vending machines can compromise walkability by constricting the pathway or blocking crossings. Landscape elements such as planted verges help insulate the pedestrian from the moving traffic, and street trees provide protection from the sun and help define the street space. Pedestrian scaled path lighting can enhance nighttime walking and provide a greater sense of safety. (251)

No wonder many senior citizens walk in malls, which are safer, more comfortable, and more sociable than the streets outside (251). And Southworth’s brief comment about winter conditions reminds me that the city where I live–a city where winter fills six months of the year–lacks a bylaw that would force residential property owners to shovel the sidewalks in front of their homes, and does not enforce the bylaw that requires commercial property owners to clear their snow.

The final attribute Southworth examines is path context, “the most problematic and least developed of walkability criteria” (251). “A safe, continuous path network in a monotonous physical setting will not invite pedestrians,” he states. “The path network must engage the interest of the user,” through its visual interest and through the design of the space through which the path network travels (251). Transparency is particularly important: “A transparent environment allows one to sense the social and natural life of a place through first hand observation” (252). But so too is “detail design and attention to the special qualities of places,” which tends to be ignored in favour of “repetitive architecture and uniform street design standards devoted to the automobile,” which “have produced neighborhoods with little pedestrian appeal” (252). Places that look boring are going to be boring places to walk, in other words. I would describe this quality in terms of texture: places that are dense, complex, and densely textured—whether that texture is made up of natural features or a built environment—are going to be rewarding and interesting places to walk. 

There is no one rule about the path context of walkable environments that applies everywhere; “[s]uccessful approaches will vary by culture, place, and city size” (254). “Nevertheless,” Southworth continues, “a few attributes are likely to contribute to the quality of path context in most urban and suburban settings: scale of street space, presence of street trees and other landscape elements, views, visible activity and transparency, scale, and coherence of built form” (254). “The most important thing,” he states, “is to engage the pedestrian’s interest along the route” (254).

Southworth concludes with actions that are necessary to improve walkability in American cities. Cities and suburbs “need to assess current walkability conditions for every district of the city, and then develop policies and plans for the total pedestrian environment” (254). Standards and regulations need to be revised in order to promote walkability (255). More research into walking behaviour in urban environments is necessary (255). Urban designers and traffic planners need to work together, and the public needs to be involved “through educational activities and participation in the planning process” (255). Finally, “a new generation of transportation and urban planners is needed who view pedestrian access as a necessary and integral part of the whole transportation environment” (255). It’s a tall order, but by focusing on the walkable city, we can “transform the way we live in fundamental ways, benefiting human health, social relations, and the natural environment” (255).

I find Southworth’s discussion of path context particularly important to my research. Is it possible that places where participatory or convivial walking events are organized tend to have more inviting path contexts than the city where I live? Could living in a city with an inviting path context help to encourage a culture of walking—a culture in which going for a walk is not considered eccentric or a sign of poverty because one isn’t in a motor vehicle? That might be a useful term in trying to get at what I think is lacking where I live—a quality that might be present in other places where people are willing to participate in group walking experiences curated by walking artists. It certainly speaks to my experience after spending years walking in Regina: it’s often an experience I put up with rather than enjoy. 

Work Cited

Southworth, Michael. “Designing the Walkable City.” Journal of Urban Planning and Development, vol. 131, no. 4, 2005, pp. 246-57. DOI: 10.0161/(ASCE)0733-9488(2005)131:4(246).

Emily Talen, “Pedestrian Access as a Measure of Urban Quality”

At the beginning of “Pedestrian Access as a Measure of Urban Quality,” a discussion of walkability, Emily Talen notes that while some forms of urban planning “seem to agree that urban areas ought to strive for greater pedestrian access,” such access “is not formally evaluated in the context of local planning practice” (257). The purpose of this paper, she continues, is to offer “an empirical and methodological contribution to such an evaluation. It answers the question: since increasing pedestrian access to goods and services is a major objective of the current call for compact, walkable, pedestrian-oriented urban environments, how walkable are our urban environments?” (257). “The goal of this study,” she continues, “is to demonstrate how access”—I think she means pedestrian access—“can be given a more prominent role in planning practice” (257). Talen’s focus is on Portland, Oregon, a city that “does not evaluate pedestrian access in its regular planning activities” (257). 

According to Talen, assessing “the quality of a given urban environment” can be done “either subjectively or objectively, using data that are quantitative, qualitative, or a combination of both” (258). Subjective assessments use “survey-based research on residential preferences” or “cognitive mapping exercises” that contribute to an understanding of place from the perspective of residents, “although the methods employed are not necessarily designed to be applied to planning practices” (258). Objective measures, which are usually quantitative, “are critically important for planners,” and the literature is filled with such approaches. “However, the usefulness of these indicators working at the local, neighbourhood level is limited,” Talen writes, because “many indicators involve too coarse a resolution to be useful for local comparative planning analysis” (258). Because assessments of urban quality “need to be localized in a meaningful way,” their focus needs to be on distinguishing between neighbourhoods in a city, rather than between cities (as a form or ranking or comparison) (258). In addition, most indicators “do not readily accommodate evaluations of urban pattern or form” (258). “For example, although it is possible to compare urban neighbourhoods on the basis of poverty, employment and income, it is usually not possible to compare neighbourhoods on the basis of their spatial pattern, walkability or morphological character, qualities that urban planners are likely to be involved with,” Talen writes (258). She notes that INDEX software, which uses GIS technology, “produces maps that analyze the pedestrian qualities of an area,” including blocks that are too large, intersections with poor safety records, disconnected sidewalks, or areas far from bus stops (259). The way that people travel could be factored into such analyses (259). One example, according to Talen, is the Bradshaw Walkability Index, “which uses criteria such as density, off-street parking places, ‘sitting spots,’ and sidewalk ‘dips’ at each driveway to measure the walkability of an area” (259). While these approaches are important, they have not been widely used because they require a lot of data about the cityscape (259). Talen proposes “citywide evaluation of access as a function of distance”; she hopes that this approach will supplement GIS-based approaches “and demonstrate the importance of pedestrian access as an urban quality indicator” (259)

“Access is often formally defined as the quality of having interaction with, or passage to, a particular good[,] service or facility,” Talen writes (259). However, the criteria that define this access are complex. “If the purpose of analysis is to predict travel behaviour or to predict and measure behavioural changes resulting from different urban patterns,” she writes, “then measures of individual access that incorporate complexity are warranted” (259). However, measurements can become too complex to be used, “when in reality simplified versions can be equally valid and useful” (260). The measure of access she proposes in this paper is “very straightforward”: “Access is defined as the ability to reach a given destination based on geographic distance,” so that “locations that have facilities close by are said to have better access than locations that have facilities far away” (260). This measurement appears to be about density: dense neighbourhoods will, according to this metric, be more walkable.

Talen suggests, though, that this view of access is “normative,” because it relies “on a specific judgment about what ought to occur” (260). In these “normative views of what the urban pattern ‘ought’ to be like, access based on geographic distance is vital,” she states (260). Distance-focused analyses, she contends, “might address the question of whether access to a particular good is discriminatory”: people who don’t drive—the elderly or the poor—may not find urban services to be accessible, “because distance is not elastic” (261). Despite the problems involved in quantifying distance, Talen argues that it’s still important to use numbers to compare whether one area of a city might have better access to goods and services than another (261). Thus, she suggests, it is “possible to legitimise the use of quantified measures in the evaluation of urban quality by emphasising flexibility in approach, exploration and visualisation of data, and continually bearing in mind the limitations involved in quantified approaches” (261).

Talen argues that five groups of factors affect “the measure of access” (261). “The first two are simply the spatial locations of points of origin and points of destination,” she writes. Usually points of origin refer to housing, while points of destination refer to schools or places of employment (261). Talen is clearly seeing walking as a mode of functional transportation rather than a leisure activity. “The third factor is the travel route and the distance between origin(s) and destination(s),” she continues. This factor involves distance and “the qualities of the route,” including topography, design speed, the number of lanes of traffic, and “mode,” which I think means the way people move through space—by walking, for example (262). The fourth factor “has to do with the attributes of the individuals who seek access,” including socioeconomic status, age, gender, and employment status. “Certain assumptions can be made about the attractiveness or relevance of travel to certain facilities (and the likely mode of travel) based on these characteristics,” she writes (262). Finally, “the amount, type and quality of a given destination,” particularly its attractiveness, creates another group of factors (262).

The most important kinds of data necessary are origins, destinations, and the routes between them (262). If those data are available, “the measurement of access can be easily accomplished,” simply by computing distances and determining “a measure of access for each origin that can appropriately be used as an urban quality indicator” (262). Talen describes GIS software that can be used to do this work (262). That software can calculate distance and, apparently, the number of “urban opportunities” that are within walking distance (263). I’m not sure how that works, but measuring “urban opportunities” is a way of measuring the density of texture and experience in a given urban environment: the more dense and textured the environment, the more pleasant it will be for pedestrians. If that’s Talen’s point, I would agree, because that’s been my experience of walking in urban areas.

Talen’s case study relies on three principles. First, cities “should be designed to accommodate a variety of transportation modes—walking, biking, private automobiles and public transit” (263). Second, pedestrian access “is a separate, vital dimension of urban quality” (263). Finally, access “should be evaluated for a variety of urban opportunities,” including schools and parks (263). “Since the distance to the nearest facility is the central, most meaningful element—the minimum distance between residential location and urban amenity—the ‘minimum-distance’ measurement approach is used” in her analysis (263). “Planners can accomplish this kind of evaluation by looking at just two aspects of access: the ability to reach urban places, and the quantity and attributes of places that can be reached,” she writes. “Together, these two aspects of access provide a powerful indicator of urban spatial pattern and its quality” (263).

Talen used data from Portland, Oregon’s regional planning organization (263-64). She suggests that “the walking distance parameter is usually defined as 1/4 mile”—that’s the maximum distance pedestrians will find walkable, it seems—although people will be willing to walk farther in some cases (264-66). She used GIS and “the visualisation of quantitative data” to make conclusions about “how access varies across the urban landscape” (266).

She begins by summarizing the number of “residential parcels”—lots? developments?—“that are within 1/4 mile of an elementary school or a neighbourhood park” (266). Not many “single-family parcels”—houses, then—or “multi-family parcels”—apartment buildings—are that close to either a park or a school in Portland. These results, Talen writes, “are significant since they verify that a large majority of residents in Portland are lacking pedestrian access to essential public facilities,” with only 10 percent of apartment buildings being within walking distance—defined as a 1/4 mile—of an elementary school (266-67).

Talen then introduces the socioeconomic characteristics of areas associated with more or less access to facilities (267). She uses the tax valuations of single-family properties as her metric of the residents’ socioeconomic characteristics. Surprisingly, she finds little difference between access to facilities for properties with higher or lower assessed values (272). I find that hard to believe, but that is the result she discovered.

“The fact that only 12% of the residential parcels in the city of Portland are within walking distance of either a neighbourhood park or an elementary school gives some indication that the oft-cited planning goal of increasing neighbourhood-level (i.e. pedestrian) access to parks and schools in not within easy reach,” Talen concludes. “Pedestrian access to parks and schools is generally regarded as an essential building block of quality urban environments,” yet her case study demonstrates that “even in a ‘Smart Growth’ city like Portland, walking to a school or park is restricted to relatively few selected areas and populations” (274-75). However, “the distribution of parks and schools in Portland tends to favour areas with lower housing values, higher percentages of minorities, higher levels of unoccupied housing, and similar characteristics of socioeconomic status, which can be interpreted as a positive phenomenon since these are likely to be the areas in greatest need of access to public amenities” (275). 

The reason that pedestrian access is so poor, Talen notes, is that American cities are designed for cars, not for pedestrians (275). She notes that large regional parks are not available to pedestrians, and acknowledges that “the relationship between access to schools and the location of children” is not accounted for in a direct way by her study (275). Despite those flaws, Talen suggests that her work is useful in understanding “the direction in which urban form ought to be going” (275). That “optimal form” tends to emphasize pedestrian access, such as Smart Growth, sustainable development, or New Urbanism: “The idea of concentrating rather than dispersing facilities, clustering housing and mixing land-use types, is essentially about increasing access, most importantly, pedestrian access” (275). A lack of access is something to be fixed, and urban planners “should seek to remove impediments that separate people form the amenities and services they require” (275). To do that, planners need to be able to evaluate, plan for, and promote accessibility (276). “The application of standards is just one way to evaluate pedestrian access,” she concludes. “How well a city performs in terms of walking access could also be evaluated over time . . . as well as by region” (276). She hopes that “some progress can be made in advancing urban quality by engaging in a more rigorous measurement of pedestrian access” (276).

I’m not sure what to make of Talen’s article. She seems to be convinced that she’s found a key quantitative metric for walkability in the 1/4 mile distance between houses and elementary schools or parks. But the Harbour Landing development in southwest Regina would likely score well on that metric—at least as far as parks are concerned—even though I’m not convinced that it’s a walkable place at all. That’s because it’s separated from the rest of the city by six lanes of fast traffic and crosswalks that give pedestrians little time to get from one side of that highway to the other. To claim that neighbourhood is walkable would be to suggest that people living there will only shop at the Wal-Mart that’s a quarter of a mile from their house, or that they will only visit the restaurants near that Wal-Mart. It ignores the vast deserts of pavement—parking lots—that separate stores and restaurants from each other in the neighbourhood’s retail developments. It also ignores the lack of crosswalks for pedestrians. Who wants to walk in such bleak surroundings, which are so unfriendly to pedestrians, even for short distances? What about the quality of the parks in that development, where there are few trees or other amenities (like benches)? On paper, Talen’s methodology might give Harbour Landing a high walkability score, but anyone condemned to walking there might have a very different response to the question of the area’s walkability. Planners might only be able to understand quantitative measurements, but perhaps qualitative measurements are just as important. Would it be too much to ask planners to spend time walking in neighbourhoods as part of their practice? Might that not yield important insights about walkability? If nothing else, an urban planner in this city (I’m assuming we have people who do that work) who has to run across Lewvan Drive because the crosswalk gives pedestrians little time to get across might lobby his or her colleagues in the traffic department to give pedestrians another 10 or 20 seconds before the red hand starts flashing. More importantly, for me, is the question of how such neighbourhoods contribute to or prevent the development of a culture of walking, a culture in which walking is not eccentric but is part of daily life. If it’s easier to drive everywhere in such neighbourhoods, and if driving appears to be safer than walking and more pleasant, then wouldn’t they be contributing to a culture of driving, rather than walking? And isn’t culture the key element, the thing that studies like Talen’s leave out?

Work Cited

Talen, Emily. “Pedestrian Access as a Measure of Urban Quality.” Planning Practice and Research, vol. 17, no. 3, 2002, pp. 257-78. DOI:10.1080/026974502200005634.

C. Michael Hall, Yael Ram, and Noam Shoval, eds. The Routledge International Handbook of Walking

I didn’t know what to expect from The Routledge International Handbook of Walking, and indeed much of the book—including almost the entire final section—is rather peripheral to my research interests. However, even chapters that seem to be unrelated to my project ended up yielding surprises, and the book as a whole suggests something about the richness of walking as a topic of research in a number of disciplines I hadn’t considered.

In the book’s preface, the editors describe walking as “an essentially human activity,” suggesting that whether it’s for transportation or leisure, or as a religious act, “walking has served as a significant philosophical, literary and historical subject” (xix). This book, they continue, takes a broad approach to the subject: “The purpose of this book is . . . to bring together a number of the main themes on the study of walking from different disciplines and literatures” (xix). Indeed, in the introduction, the editors contend that walking is inherently interdisciplinary—it crosses academic borders (1)—and that it is inherently a good thing: “Walking encourages good public and private health, interaction between neighbours, contributes to feeling of community and positive sense of place, and, importantly in a time of concerns over climate and environmental change, contributes to reductions in traffic congestion, air pollution and emissions, and resource use” (1). At the same time, though walking “is also constrained by social practices shaped by gender, culture, religion and economics,” and in many parts of the world, walking is in decline, because of other forms of mobility and changes in the planning and design of the built environment “that have often led to a decline in public space” (1). In addition, “walking has developed more as a commodity with associated development of commercial products such as specialist clothing, walking and fitness aids, as well as walking holidays and walking trails”—so that what was a private activity is now becoming marketed as a consumer good (2). Indeed, they continue, “indeed, the clash between notions of public and private is an important theme in much of the walking literature” (2). Walking can challenge forms of domestication or domination and enable us to ask questions about the authoritarian features of contemporary urban design, private property, and public space (2).

Almost everyone walks, but data on walking “is highly variable,” and many able-bodied people never walk anywhere (2). The editors indicate that a range of qualities of the built urban environment are relevant to walking; they include imageability (the quality of a place that makes it distinct and memorable), legibility (the ease of navigating and understanding the space), enclosure (the degree to which public spaces are visually defined by trees, buildings, and other elements), human scale (whether the “texture and articulation of physical elements” match the size and proportions of humans and the speed at which they walk), transparency (the degree to which people can perceive human activity beyond the edge of a street or other public space), linkage (physical and visual connections between elements in public spaces), complexity (the visual richness of a place), and coherence (the sense of visual order a place provides” (6). These features, which end up being considered under the term “walkability,” are particularly interesting for me. Current walking art practices focus on collective, convivial, and participatory walks, in which the role of the artist is to curate an experience for participants, and the kind of walking I’ve been doing—solitary and somewhat durational—is considered out-of-date or even politically regressive. Sometimes I wonder whether those who advocate convivial walking, most of whom are in the United Kingdom, are missing the context in which those convivial walks take place. Perhaps parts of the UK are more walkable, or perhaps a general level of walkability in that country has led to the development of a walking culture which convivial, artistic walking is part of or related to. I’m not sure. All I can say for certain is that outside of a very limited selection of paths—around Wascana Lake and, to a lesser extent, along Wascana Creek—very few people walk in the city where I live, and issues of walkability might be a factor. Perhaps engaging people in participatory or convivial art walking would be much more difficult in this city, given the different degree of walkability here and the lack of a walking culture. Context is important, and different places will present different contexts in which walking of all kinds takes place.

There are strong associations between the physical environment and leisure walking (7). Studies have found that “land-use mix, connectivity and population density, and overall neighbourhood design were important determinants of physical activity,” including walking (7). Safety is another issue related to walking: it can refer “to safety from traffic, safety from other people (i.e. from crime), and physical safety (i.e. from falls or animal attacks),” and the nature of the built environment “can have a significant impact” on perceived safety (7). Walking in this city is often unsafe, because of a lack of sidewalks and other pedestrian infrastructure. In addition, men and women tend to perceive walking in public spaces differently, partly because of perceptions of safety (10). The editors note that “only 60% of women in the UK feel safe walking at night, compared to 82% of men” (10). However, the data from the UK suggest that men and women walk the same amount, so women may walk while feeling unsafe (10). In addition,“location as well as culture are very important factors in influencing whether or not places are regarded as safe for women, as well as whether they are perceived differentially between men and women” (10-11). 

Technology is changing the experience of walking, particularly mobile phones and “wearable ICT and augmented reality” (11). For instance, many people use technology that allows them to track how many steps they’ve taken; the notion that we should take 10,000 steps every day dates back to the 1964 Tokyo Summer Olympic Games and an effort at supporting the physical activity of the Japanese population (11). By 2016, an estimated 20 million people worldwide were using Fitbit devices to track their steps; one in five Americans measures steps with some form of technology (11)—even though there’s no evidence that these devices increase their wearers’ fitness levels (11). Pokémon Go is—or was: are people still playing that game?—an augmented reality app that contributed “an additional dimension to the link between physical activity and technology” (11). The editors suggest that the impact of “carryable and wearable augmented technologies on walking is likely to be profound” (11); it’s possible that “the intersection of walkability and mobility with the ‘Internet of Things,’ ‘smart cities,’ social networks, transport networks, Google, and augmented and virtual realities” could mean that “perhaps in only ten years’ time, the social practices of walking for many will be profoundly different” (12). Such technologies could “create new opportunities for marketization, the furthering of capital and the closing of the informational commons,” yet they also “hold considerable promise for better design of built environments and the enhancement of walkability” (19). “Nevertheless, the extent to which such methods and the people who adopt them contribute to the public rather than the private good will depend as much on political and ethical decisions as it will the availability of technologies” (19).

“Walking is a democratic act,” the editors conclude, a claim that underlies much of contemporary artistic walking. “All can potentially share in it”—at least, all of those who are physically able to walk, I think; the volume pays little attention to the needs of people in wheelchairs or those for whom walking is difficult. “However, as this and the other chapters in this book demonstrate, there are a wide range of constraints that limit where, when and even how people can walk,” the editors acknowledge. “Nevertheless, the slowness of walking enables linkages and connectivity to people and place that other forms of transport do not provide” (19-20).

In the book’s second chapter, “Walking in the Capitalist City: On the Socio-Economic Origins of Walkable Urbanism” (27-36), Anja Hälg Bieri, argues that walking is not only “a human form of locomotion or a transportation mode” but “a social phenomenon” (27). The chapter theorizes walking anthropologically, as a social practice “that takes on different forms in different historical and spatial contexts,” and draws “a genealogy of the walking trend and theorizing its underlying logic with the help of critical theory” (27). “A dialectic of aestheticization and commodification runs through modernity that generates aestheticized forms of walking today,” Bieri contends:

While the desire to walk is initially a form of aesthetic struggle against the rational principles of modernity and the forces of capitalism, this struggle is co-opted by the logic of capital in a continuous interlacing of the processes of aestheticization and commodification. The social and spatial consequences of capitalism together with the process of aestheticization of society produce new spatial forms of capitalism, new commodified forms of social interaction, and new forms of walking. What became of the yearning for agency through walking? With walkable urbanism, capital returns to the city centre and creates new markets for a budding walkable lifestyle which is fed through conspicuous consumption. (27)

This argument would be a lot easier to follow if Bieri defined “aestheticization” or explained what the term means, or even if she cited a source for the word.

Anthropologically, walking is “a universal phenomenon, but it takes on different forms in different cultures, times and places,” forms which “are subject to change” (27). “Moreover, walking is a performative act, in the sense that it co-creates social distinction and social identity,” Bieri argues. “Walking and the social possibilities of walking represent the spatial organization of a given society and its subjects. It is both a physical and a social practice” (27). She is interested in “walking in the context of walkable urbanism,” “a trend in urban design and planning” which “promotes urban space that is more walkable than the traditional car-centred spaces” (27). According to Bieri, we need to understand this notion “both in its urban design dimension and in its social dimension”: walkable urbanism creates new forms of built environment, but it also “creates a social environment, an ecology, and even a lifestyle” (27). “Urban design and architecture styles are not isolated, but they need to be conceived in their social, historical and spatial context” (27), she argues, and so “contemporary forms of walking” are products “of the aestheticization of society and capitalism’s continuous quest for new markets” (27). 

Here Bieri arrives at what seems to be her theoretical touchstone, a book I have yet to read: “the social imaginaries and the material manifestations of walkable urbanism are places of spectacle,” she writes, following Guy Debord’s book, The Society of the Spectacle, which suggests that “the spectacle is a social relation between people mediated by images” (27-28). “The misleading impression is that the human-scale, somewhat analogue character of making America more walkable seems to go against the grain of a spectacular society of simulacra and pastiche” (28), she writes, but it is “yet another stage of commodification, using the growing aestheticization of society to appropriate the yearning for more creativity and agency” (28).“Walkable urbanism and the trend for creativity find their aesthetic and commodified realization in creative cities and their creative economy,” she continues, so that “the tender aesthetic rebellion against the car-centred, isolating landscape and culture of post-war America through initiatives to further walking has been co-opted by capital’s interest in finding new markets, aided by the aestheticization of society, thereby deceptively combining the economic and political needs of capital” (28). 

At this point, Bieri turns to walking as an art practice as a form of spectacle:

Walking as art, walking as research method, and walkable urbanism can all be understood as an attempt to reclaim an everyday practice—walking. It is striking, however, that the predominant forms that emerge from this endeavour are not everyday forms of walking but performative forms of walking—art walking, research walking, and walking in walkable spaces that are spaces of spectacle. The alienation from walking, from a direct use of the body for locomotion, is so advanced that all the postmodern reclamations of walking result in these performative forms of walking. An everyday activity is elevated to something extraordinary. It is aestheticized. Thereby, walking (or the relationship to walking and the use of the body) goes through another stage of alienation through creating even more spectacle. It reproduces late capitalism’s logic and cannot unwind the postmodern spiral. It cannot fulfil the yearning still attached to the modern promises of happiness, it only aggrandizes the yearning by creating images of idealized walking and the silent realization of failure to live up to this image without understanding the reasons for this failure. (29)

As a result, “the political force is taken out of the movement towards more walking, more physical capacity, imaginary freedom and ultimately happiness” (29). I wonder if that’s true of all art walking practices—both solo and participatory—or if any practices live up to their claim to be both creative and critical for Bieri. It seems, from her argument, that she believes none do.

The built environment actively produces the society it reflects (30). Because the built environment and society are in a dialectical relation to each other, urban design is “highly political,” and she reads both walkable urbanism and walking in this way (30). “Designing walkable urbanism like a theme park with a set of supposedly evidence-based arguments, ranging from health benefits to tourism attractions to economic uplift, creates places of spectacle that only further our state of alienation,” she writes (30). “Imaginaries of class differences are reproduced in walkable urbanism, as consumption is a means for social distinction,” she continues. “Genders are performed in relation to other established categories of difference, such as class, ethnicity and sexual orientation” (31). Therefore, walkable urbanism, as a response to the limits of suburban life, may appear to be liberating, but it is yet another “aestheticized and commodified lifestyle” (32). Walkable urbanism is a trend, part of real-estate and tourism marketing: “The desire to make American towns and cities, even suburbs, more walkable and to sell walkability to real-estate clients and tourists has led to the quest for a repeatable scenario, a tendency already present in the beginnings of this urban design trend and which established itself over time. A recipe for mass-produced walkability emerged” (34). Like any other rebellion or innovation, walkable urbanism presents the danger of recuperation by “the dominating forces”—and “[t]he fact that walkability is becoming a sale pitch for real-estate premiums, that a whole spectrum of gear, clothes and even cars go with a walkable lifestyle, that walkable neighbourhoods are becoming an exclusive place of social distinction through consumption rather than through civic activity, all point to the necessity to try and understand this phenomenon in its economic and social context” (34). I always find the argument that walking requires specific gear and clothing to be a little difficult to swallow, since aside from a comfortable pair of shoes, little is required to walk relatively short distances. I’m not sure what cars go with a walking lifestyle, either. In other words, parts of Bieri’s argument would be more convincing if it presented clear evidence in support of its claims. 

The book’s third chapter, Phil Smith’s essay “Radical Twenty-First-Century Walkers and the Romantic Qualities of Leisure Walking (37-45), is the reason I decided to read this book in the first place. Smith begins with Jiro Taniguchi’s 1992 manga, The Walking Man, in which “the everyday walks of a conservative white-collar worker are diverted by chance and curiosity into an ambiguous zone between leisurely strolls and hyper-sensitised exploration, trespass, stalking and pilgrimage” (37). That manga “maps the territory for this chapter, which examines examples of UK-based walking arts practitioners who work around the boundaries of everyday or leisure walking, part of an identifiable ‘meshwork’ with unevenly shared principles, aesthetics and narratives” (37). Smith describes a number of walking art practices, all by women artists: Jess Allen’s “tractivism,” walking footpaths and engaging the people she meets in dialogues about ecology and climate change (37), and Elspeth Owen’s durational walks, such as Grandmother’s Footsteps (2009), in which she carried messages between other first-time grandparents (37). “While Allen and Owen generally walk alone, their practices are sociable and relational (unlike the epic solo journeys of earlier male walking artists, such as Richard Long); not only challenged by terrain and duration, but ecologically woven into that environment . . . and reflexively confronting the social in their own bodies,” Smith writes (38). He also describes convivial walking art practices, such as Emma Bush’s Village Walk (2008), which “was led at different times by different residents; they narrated the history of individual houses, discussed residents’ paintings, told autobiographical and fantastic stories” (38). “There were collective actions of planting, singing and witnessing a newly engaged couple dancing,” Smith writes. “Somewhere between a community and an aesthetic event, the walk wove together public spaces with private gardens and rooms, entangling local historiography with subjective fantasies, challenging the valorisation of authenticity and dismantling each narrative as it established itself” (38). 

Some walking art practices are documented in text, such as Lucy Furlong’s Amniotic City (2011), which “maps a space as defined as any village, close to the City of London” through poetry. Furlong’s poems “are recognisably sited; potential liturgies for re-enactment”; they are “proposals, less bent on cutting passages than on following clues to alignments of desire in patterns immersed in the terrain,” they interweave “intimacy and otherness” (38). Amniotic City included “a beautifully produced fold-out psychogeographical poetry map that depicts London’s hidden feminine archetypes,” according to The Guardian’s Dan Holloway; I looked for a copy online but apparently the book or chapbook (it’s hard to tell which best describes Amniotic City) is out of print. Smith also discusses the zines collected by Laura Oldfield Ford in her book Savage Messiah (2011), which are “fuelled by emotions, rushes, love, desiring, dreaming and an erotic urge to fight back. Inspired by her ‘drifts’ through the brutalist architecture of the emptying housing estates she has lived in, they speak of the spontaneity of parties, squatting and protests, of self-questioning and heightened states” (38).

“These are just five of the hundreds of self-designating ‘walking artists’ or artists and activists using walking in the UK,” Smith tells us (38). “While they are distinctive practitioners, there is much common ground in immersive and reflexive subjectivities, the deferral of synthesis and the sustenance of multiplicities, placing oneself at the mercy of the world, shifts between solitude and sociability, use of everyday materials, distance from a recognised art market and playing around common forms of walking such as strolling, tourist visiting, rural rambling and guided walks,” he continues (38). Those “common forms of walking” are not that common where I live—certainly rural rambling and guided walks are quite rare—and that difference makes me wonder whether the walking context in this city would support convivial or participatory art practices, and whether there is a significant difference between walking in the UK and walking here. In my limited experience of walking in the UK, there are differences. There are few footpaths in Saskatchewan, and access for walkers to private land is very rare. In the UK, in contrast, I was able to walk from Marlborough House into Oxford almost entirely on marked footpaths listed in an A-Z guide of the area—with the exception of a half mile on a terrifying B road, with cars passing at high speed just inches away from me while I cowered against a hedge. There is nothing like the UK’s network of national trails in Canada, either; true, the TransCanada Trail exists, but I’m not sure one could actually cross the country—or even a province—walking on it. I could be wrong, of course, but I’m beginning to wonder whether the demand that all walking be participatory might not be coming out of a very different pedestrian context than the one I experience here.

Smith notes that genealogies of walking art typically begin with Romanticism, implying a continuity between “twentieth-century radical walkers and movements” and Romanticism despite “their explicitly breaks from it” (38). More than half of the walking artists Smith surveyed rejected any influence from the Romantic tradition and/or saw their work as a break with Romanticism (39). Those walkers, practitioners of a “new movement” of walking or a “new psychogeography,” “are taking advantage of earlier movements’ breaks from functional and ideal walking to make their work increasingly in the ruptures and margins of everyday and recreational walking” (39). 

Romanticism is the shadow against which many walking practices define themselves. Discussions of recreational walking “usually begin by citing aesthetic, philosophical or spiritual motivation” (39)—typically influenced by Romanticism. According to that motivation, hikers walk themselves “into anonymous symbiosis with the landscape,” which significantly under-represents “the impact of the walker on their environment,” and “a directly localised and site-specific spirituality” is advanced, one “served by parallel and contradictory narratives in which rural pedestrianism” is either disappearing, a form of religious practice, or a resistance to the dominance of automobiles (40). Indeed, Smith notes that it’s rare to find an acknowledgement that walking isn’t a pleasure (as Morris Marples does) (40). Its enthusiasts load walking “with universal meanings and virtues” that excesses of various kinds are generated, such as Colin Speakman’s claim that “To walk is to be a human” (qtd. 40). 

“Yet competition, property accumulation, normativity and colonialism are among the roots of recreational walking,” Smith contends (40). He suggests that rural rambling is a separation from the real world, defined by moralism and aversion to risk and restriction; it is “cluttered with obstructive and constructed representations,” including exclusions of various kinds (40), or else it is “a righteous but functionalist exertion,” “a corporeal re-statement of common rights over property, and an inward-looking ambulation relegating the landscape to a visual background for contemplation” (40). “Entanglements of such conservative and radical, appropriative and ecological, romantic and materialist views are complexly manifest within individual walking groups, and within and between memberships and leaderships of walking organisations,” Smith notes (40).

The anthropologist Tim Ingold tries to “distil, personify and resolve” some of these contradictions in his introduction to the book Imagining Landscapes (40). Ingold prefers an “interwoven, active sensing,” derived from the work of cognitive scientist James J. Gibson, and he performs “a very peculiar, but revealing, act of wishful thinking” by turning to the photographs of walking artist Richard Long and suggesting that we “re-imagine these commodified images, encouraging passive consumption” (40-41) and instead understand the landscapes they depict as a “contrapuntal interweaving of material flows and sensory awareness” (qtd. 41). This argument redeploy’s Long’s art, “the products and sensibilities” of his practice, and and instead sees Long’s form of walking “in an alternating movement of casting forward and drawing up” (qtd. 41). Long’s solo, durational, representational (sometimes) art practice is very much out of fashion, and Ingold’s use of Long as an example seems to surprise Smith. 

For Smith, a receptive field to Ingold’s strategy “awaits somewhere between the contradictions of recreational walking and the reparative practices of the new generation of walking artists and psychogeographers” (41). Recreational urban walking is not the usual form that recreational walking usually takes; most recreational walking is rural (41). In contrast, psychogeographers make “regular expeditions” “across derelict wastelands,” “into retail sites,” “along routes of culverted rivers, through sewerage and other concealed systems” and “around abject traffic structures” (41). Indeed, Smith notes that walking artists tend to see rural and urban spaces as entangled, rather than as binary opposites (41). He suggests that “if any one group of walkers has truly explored an ‘abyss of fusion’ it is the oft-maligned, urban, occult, late-twentieth-century literary psychogeographers who have sought out and described cryptic patterns in the urban fabric and invoked an intensity of presence equivalent to anything in the literature of rural walking” (42). These practices of urban, suburban, and edgeland walking are “peculiar in embracing difference and ambiguity,” in stepping back from the heroic, in “clinging to the rim of the abyss not as an extreme moment on a mount pass but as the modus vivendi of late capitalist psychic precarity” (42).

The “new psychogeography,” for Smith, is different from the older neo-psychogeography, which was “pulled between Marxian materialism, tedious algorithmic drifting and ‘mystical fusion’ with occult patterns”; instead, the “new psychogeography” is reflexive and reparative and heterogenous (43). “As well as providing the entanglement . . . required by Tim Ingold’s proposal for re-making walking,” Tina Richardson’s “new psychogeography” “reveals the gap that separates these kinds of walking from both Romantic and occult psychogeographical walking; their reflexive sensitivity to the performed nature of everyday life, their deconstruction of their own materials and forms of representation . . . their postmodern sensibility to the mediation of aesthetics and iconoclasm,” take precedence over “the distillation of Essence or Presence” typical of Romanticism (43). The product of these new forms of walking “is praxis, democratic but also provocative,” and participatory (43).

Smith suggests that Richard Long and Hamish Fulton might be easily mistaken for hikers: “Immersed in the hiker’s terrain of choice (moors, long trails, mountain regions),” their walking evokes “the apotheosis of the walker’s presence and fusion with spectacular place to which recreational walking, at various stages of dilution, aspires” (43). However, the “intense solitude” and “‘heroic’ pace” of their “epic journeys,” and Long’s “physical interventions in and extractions from the landscape put a considerable distance between them and anything like leisure” (43). Moreover, their works—with the exception of Fulton’s shift to participatory walks—“do not ‘bait,’ but successfully circulate within, the conventional art market and generate a passive, mentally appropriative consumption rather than provoke trespass” (43). Smith prefers walking practices that “provoke trespass” and that exist outside of “the conventional art market.” Literary psychogeography also encourages “passive consumption,” although Smith suggests that Iain Sinclair’s “walk-based books” may be at odd with that passivity because of “their inspiring effect” (43). I was shocked when I read those words, since Sinclair’s books, which I quite like, are rarely spoken of in positive terms by contemporary walking artists. 

“The latest generation of performative, postmodern walkers (artists, activists, and psycho-geographers) has more in common with the iconoclastic break of the International Lettristes/situationists; but without their retreat from engagement,” Smith concludes. “Where there is product, other than walking itself, it often takes the form of documentation, handbooks and exemplary objects designed to encourage others to further exploratory walking rather than of commodities for new markets” (43). “This ‘new movement’ of walkers places itself in ambiguous and critical, but not dismissive, proximity to the gaze and ethos of the leisurely stroll, at times borrowing from the practices of recreational walking,” he continues. “Rather than confrontation, this ablative, ‘just to the side’ of the ramble, is not ‘absorbed within a wider perspective’ of nature, implacable time, massive space, emptiness and near silence, but proposes a sociability, ordinariness and intense relation to the terrain (built and natural, rural and urban) that is both an abolition and an extension . . . of Romantic ‘fusion’” (43-44). Thus new walking art practices are about multiple layering or archaeological engagement with space, and there is a “potential ground” for them within hiking and rambling (44)—a claim that is another surprise, since both hiking and rambling tend to be durational and therefore less participatory and demographic than short urban walks. “Given their strategic positioning, valorising the everyday and the ‘to the side’ of the aesthetic, the ‘new movement’ and ‘new psychogeographers’ are well placed to gain leverage within the multiple contradictions of recreational walking; to embrace and redeploy immersive, sensual, ritualistic, contemplative and interpretative elements of Romantic, recreational walking,” he continues:

To expose, accentuate and challenge the contradictions of the appropriative, neo-colonialist products of Romanticist walking arts and “new nature writers” and persuade leisure walkers to take a small step to the side of the conventions of their strolling/hiking/rambling to an agentive, non-appropriative walking; to walk in the gaps (both in the sense of ideological contradictions and affordances for trespass) rather than “in fusion.” To invoke recreational walking’s origins in rebellion. (44). 

That kind of walking practice is good; other forms of walking, which tend to lead to soft fascination (more on that shortly), are not good. However, I wonder if there’s a connection between walking “in the gaps” and soft fascination. I will have to learn more.

I skipped a chapter that did not seem relevant to my research and landed on Karein K. Goertz’s essay, “Walking as Pedagogy” (55-64). “For a variety of economic, ideological and quality-of-life reasons, so-called millennials (born between the early 1980s and 2000) are rejecting cars and choosing to live in walkable urban communities,” Goertz writes (55). “As intentionally built environments, college campuses are well positioned to make walking an integral part of their ethos and identity” (55). That might be true at some universities, but certainly not at the one where I work!. “If walking is to become a public health priority in the fight against chronic disease, institutions of learning must lead the way,” Goertz continues, and universities can do that by training students across disciplines to recognize their role in promoting walking and walkable communities (55). “For many American students, the transition into a daily routine without a car and with a lot more walking marks a radical departure from their past experience,” (56) but the “formative, typically car-free college years can and should play a significant role in initiating and shaping them as walkers” (56). For that reason, this chapter “examines data from science and the humanities on the mental, emotional and physical impact of walking and proposes pedagogical applications to enhance student learning and wellness” (56).

For many first-year students, “becoming a student coincides with becoming a daily walker out of necessity” (56). “Perhaps more interestingly, walking can be seen as a metaphor for change and dynamism: just as the walker is on the move, not stuck to one place or perspective, so too, the student is in a particularly fluid time of life when, ideally, old patterns are broken, ideas are approached anew and self-identity undergoes transformation,” Goertz suggests (56). In addition, walking gets us away from our desks, which is important for health and for the opportunity to experience “changing scenery, unplanned encounters and surprising thoughts that engage the mind” (56). “Physical movement and mental activity are complimentary, and walking, in particular, fosters the very kind of original, inquisitive and creative thinking that is the hallmark of a college education,” she contends (56).

A student’s first experience of campus often a walking tour—a way to orient oneself spatially (57). Goertz suggests that first-year students might be asked “to design a thematically oriented walking tour” as part of their classes (57). I wonder what discipline would support such an assignment. Walking also encourages sociability, even though students are typically wearing earbuds or looking at their phones (57)—a fact that undercuts Goertz’s claim. Walking could also help students deal with the record numbers of mental health problems that are being reported, including depression, anxiety, eating and sleep disorders (57). “Many people with mental illness have found that walking helps them manage their inner anguish,” she writes (57). “Recent empirical findings in (neuro)physiology validate the curative properties of walking with variables relative to duration, intensity and frequency: it clears the body of stress hormones, boosts endorphins, strengthens the immune system, increases energy, elevates mood and promotes restful sleep” (58), and the “flow of oxygen to the brain heightens mental alertness, concentration and memory” and “enhances connectivity of brain circuits and boosts performance on cognitive tasks” (58). For these reasons, “colleges should explicitly encourage and support” walking “as basic preventative care for mental and physical health” (58).

Along with its health benefits, “[t]he cognitive benefits of walking support the college mandate of teaching students how to think critically, analytically and creatively” (58). Goertz notes that “walking has been shown to considerably promote creative thinking and the generation of new ideas”; it “is an excellent facilitator of original, innovative thinking because the physical act of left-right steps simulates the integration of the two halves of the brain, the logical and the intuitive. The rhythmic alternation of steps can put the walker into a relaxes, but fully aware alpha state that is conducive to creative thinking” (60). Walking meetings are part of corporate culture, so why couldn’t advising appointments be conducted peripatetically? she asks (61). 

While walking is “not always practical when students need access to computers, white-boards, desks, etc.,” nonetheless “there are a number of curricular applications that would enhance the learning experience” (61). For instance, “[s]mall walking groups could help brainstorm ideas, break up habituated seating arrangements, change the scenery and energy level, and shift attention away from the instructor” (61). “In light of the many benefits of walking for mental and physical health, academic skills and creativity, it makes sense that colleges actively promote walking,” she concludes (61). Walking “serves as a compelling model and vehicle for students to assert their own position as active, aware and engaged participants in this world and to step towards it” (63). What about students who cannot walk, though, or who prefer not to? What about issues of climate and weather? What about commuter campuses where the car is king? 

In chapter 6,“Walking in Germany: Between Recreation and Ideology” (65-73), Dirk Reiser and Vanessa Jansen-Meinen suggest that the expansion of interest in walking after the turn of the 21st century in Germany was encouraged by the publication of books about walking—both fiction and nonfiction (65). Because walking replies to the increasing speed of contemporary life, they claim, it encourages walkers to become immersed in flow states (65). As a “gentle form of mobility,” walking 

fits in with a growth in health-conscious behaviour and a movement towards sustainability. This positive image change during the last decade is due to the possibility of an outdoor experience with low entry barriers that is consistent with a sustainable, environment-conscious and nature-responsive lifestyle—although walking has a long history as a vital part of tourism and recreational activities in Germany. (65-66)

In German, there is a clear distinction between walking and strolling: strolling is “regarded as being more spontaneous, without special equipment or preparation, in contrast to what is required for walking (e.g. planning of route and equipment, shoes, checking of weather and maps)” (66). In addition, while walking suggests relatively short walks, trekking is used for walks that take several days; there are additional forms of walking in German, including “hillwalking, mountaineering, long-distance hiking, height hikes, scouting, hut hikes” (66). The differences between these forms have to do with “the place of accommodation, seasonal nature of walking, and the use of fixed rope routes” (66).

The authors note that 16 percent of Germans go on walking holidays, and the rest include some walking in their vacations (66). While most Germans “walk for the pure pleasure of being in nature and outside,” motivations related to health and fitness are secondary; other motivations include getting away from technology, achievability, and “a concentration on oneself,” meaning relaxation and stress-release (66). Another motivation is the shared experience of walking with others, although “walking in large groups is not favoured” and “many walkers have become individualists” (66).

Then the authors present a short history of walking in Germany: from travelling journeymen learning their craft, pilgrims, bourgeois walkers in the late 18th century, to Romantic walkers “looking at the landscape as a mirror of the inner self” and, by the nineteenth century, people travelling by train to rural locations for leisure walking (67-68). Walking becomes institutionalized along with industrialization and urbanization, especially technologies that allow people to travel comfortably to areas where walking is considered particularly attractive: mountains and the ocean; walking and mountaineering clubs begin to appear in the middle of the 19th century (68). Other institutions that supported walking as a leisure activity—hostels, for instance—also come into being at the turn of the 20th century (69).

However, when the Nazis came to power, walking changed: “one of the first steps after taking power was the synchronisation of all professional and social organisations, such as the walking and mountaineering clubs” (69); in other words, they were integrated into party organizations (70). Walks were organized by the Strength through Joy programme, a Nazi organization (69). “The main aim was to establish control over leisure time and to indoctrinate Germans with Nazi ideology,” they note (70). 

It wasn’t until the early 1950s that vacations became important again, but walking lost its importance because of increased vehicle ownership and the development of tourist infrastructure (70). In East Germany, though, while walking clubs were not allowed, walking became an important leisure activity (70). However, it wasn’t until the end of the 1990s that walking became a popular activity again in the west (70). Today, half of Germans enjoy nature walking. “It is often perceived as a counterbalance to urban life, the urge to move outside asphalt and concrete,” and it is 

linked to a sustainable lifestyle because it is environmentally sustainable (it is a soft nature sport, strengthens the relationship with nature, needs only minimal technical infrastructure, is possible in many places, creates an awareness of the speed of nature), is economically sustainable (it facilitates regional development, secures a sustainable livelihood, offers a high value ration, creates synergistic effects, and is healthy), and socially sustainable (it is an ideal sport for small groups, is relatively cheap, is possible outside holiday times, connects people and allows a view into different life circumstances). (71)

This chapter presents another national context in which walking takes place—two national contexts, given the postwar differences between West and East Germany—and so it encourages me to think more about the contexts in which walking takes place here in Saskatchewan.

I skipped another irrelevant (to me) chapter and found myself reading Yoshitaka Iwasaki’s “Dog Walking as a Leisure Activity” (83-91). Dog walking is one of the world’s most popular leisure activities; this chapter “examines opportunities and challenges of dog walking as a leisure activity” (83), which focuses on the “intrapersonal, social and environmental factors that contextualize dog walking,” including “sociodemographic factors and urban design,” “a sense of attachment to dogs as companions, and social support of dog walkers” (83). “Attention is given to the dog-owner relationship (e.g. practice of caring), the dog’s positive effects on an owner’s cognitive beliefs about and motivation towards walking,” and “the provision of dog-supportive physical environment for dog walking” (83). “In addition, dog walking as a leisure activity can provide opportunities to promote meaning-making as another benefit of this potentially meaningful leisure engagement,” Iwasaki writes (83).

Not surprisingly, people who own dogs tend to have higher levels of physical activity, and therefore dog walking is “a method of promoting a healthy lifestyle” (83-84). In addition, dog walking helps to shape “ties between people, and between people and places in different ways” and “care is central to decisions surrounding dog walking” (84). Thus dog walking can both increase physical activity and create a heightened sense of community (84). However, some factors can encourage or discourage dog walking; proximity to an off-leash dog park, for instance, increases frequency of dog walking, while a “less-walkable street pattern was negatively associated” with participation in dog walking (84). This brief comment is interesting to me: what constitutes a “less-walkable street pattern”? 

According to Iwasaki, “dog walking is considered as a social activity whereby an individual gets to know other dog owners, performs an outdoor physical activity, and engages in communication and information sharing” (85). In addition, “the perception of dogs as a subjective being and one’s connectedness with them seem to provide opportunities for meaning-making within one’s life through actively engaging with dogs” (86). Dog owners share emotional bonds with their dogs (86), and those emotional bonds become “a way of finding meaning in one’s everyday life” (87).

I’m still curious about what kinds of walking people do, and “Walking in Switzerland: Urban and Not So Leisurely,” by Derek P.T.H. Christie, Emmanuel Ravalet and Vincent Kaufmann (92-99), provides some data about how people walk. It uses the Swiss transport micro-census (MRMT2010), which “contains all transport movements in excess of 25 metres which are not entirely within a single entity, such as a train station, university campus or shopping mall” (92). The MRMT2010 database can “divide trips by their destination and motive, with the trips themselves being divided into stages” (92). According to that database, walking decreases with education and salary and access to a motor vehicle (93). In addition, walking is typically combined with other forms of transportation: the average distance for walking is 900 metres in a day (94-95). However, the median distance is only 430 metres, suggesting that most walking distances are much shorter than 900 metres, but also that a limited number are much greater, going up to a maximum of 60 kilometres (95). However, while the data may be showing less walking than people are actually doing, and most of that walking is connected to other modes of transportation (95), “a substantial proportion of the population walks very little or not at all on any given day” (96). 

According to the authors’ analysis of the data, “people living in city centres or in mountain resorts reported significantly more walking (approximately 2.4 km per day) than those living elsewhere” (97). At the same time, less than 25 percent of walking trips are motivated by leisure (97). Most of the walking was part of commuting to work or a place of study (97): “Mundane descriptions, such as accessing another transport mode (e.g. walking to a bus stop or car park) or returning home after an errand, accounted for over half of the walking trips” (97). In addition, dog walking plays a minor role in walking in Switzerland (97).

Thus, “walking from A to B is far more important than walking for leisure (including dog walking) and therefore public authorities should concentrate on helping people get to and from where they live, where they work and where they use public transport” (98). In addition, walking for leisure needs to be encouraged “by setting aside walking trails within urban and suburban areas” (98).

In chapter 10, “Purposeful Leisure Mobilities: Reframing the Walk to School,” by Debbie Hopkins and Sandra Mandic, (100-08), walking, as a form of “incidental exercise,” is a way to increase physical activity among school students; it “requires fewer competencies in order to participate (e.g. compared to cycle skills or a driver’s license) and is without the requirement for mobility-enabling artefacts (e.g. bikes, helmets)” (100). Distance is a factor in walking to school: the likelihood of a student walking to school “declines substantially” when the distance to school is greater than a mile (100). These days, fewer children walk to school than ever before (100), and yet “walking to school has been identified as a powerful policy objective” because of “rising levels of childhood obesity” and “transport-related carbon emissions” (100). According to the authors, 

this chapter will argue that walking to school is usually framed as a transport mode, putting walking in competition with other motorised and non-motorised forms of transport and measured by traditional transportation metrics, including distance and travel time. We argue that this framing overlooks the additional opportunities and benefits that arise from walking, and that reframing the walk to school may contribute to greater success in ATS interventions. Thus we explore purposeful leisure mobilities; a conceptualisation of the co-benefits of walking, as both an objective (i.e. to travel between home and school) and a leisure space (e.g. for individual reflection and socialising). (100-01)

They propose “that new framings of walking to school are required, that better align with insights from the mobilities literature and the articulation of walking to school found in the current research” (101).

“Research has suggested that perceptions of the physical and social environment may differ between people who walk for leisure and those who walk for transport,” they continue. “For example, the accessibility of public transport, along with trust of many people in the neighbourhood, predicted increases in walking for leisure. Yet physical environment features (such as connectivity, pedestrian crossings and local traffic speed) predicted increases in walking for transport” (101). However, the authors question whether the opposition between leisure and transport is useful, “given the complexity and variability of everyday social activities” (101). Indeed, their research suggests “that, for young adults, walking is not always perceived to be a transport mode, but rather an everyday activity” (101). Framing walking as a mode of transportation “often results in walking being understood through quantifiable, automobility-derived terms of speed, geographic proximity of A to B, and derived demand” (101), but “walking is the antithesis of the dominant, pace-driven mobility system,” because it is slow, “intertwined with concepts of mindfulness,” and “about ‘the political, cultural and aesthetic implications and resonance of these movements,’” their meanings, and the embodied experiences they enable (the authors cite Tim Cresswell and Peter Merriman here) (101). 

Their research proceeds from “a moderate social constructionist position,” which recognizes both social, cultural, and environmental forces and individual agency, the way that meanings “are constructed by human actions and interpretations” (101). Their research findings come from an interdisciplinary, multi-method study on transport to school behaviours at high schools in Dunedin, a city in New Zealand; they are particularly interested in exploring “alternative framings of walking to school as purposeful leisure” (101-02). They conducted focus groups of high-school students, which elicited “in-depth, nuanced social perceptions of walking to school” (102). 

The students did understand walking as a form of transportation and felt it was only viable for students who lived near their school (103). “This traditional, and constraining, lens was articulated by many of the focus group participants and links together notions of proximity and time, which could be interpreted as perceptions of walking as a slow mode of transport,” the authors contend (103). Students were concerned about the amount of time it would take to walk to school and about having to wake up earlier in order to make that journey on foot (104). The hills in Dunedin also featured as barriers to walking (104). According to their conversations with students, walking for transportation was considered to be different from walking for exercise—one student would get up early to walk for exercise with her mother, and then be driven to school—which “can signal the different meanings and expectations associated with types of walking” (104). Other students worried about what they might look like if they walked to school (104)—sweaty and disheveled, perhaps?—and some students thought that only rich people could afford to live close enough to school that the distance would be walkable (104). 

“From the focus groups we found evidence of multiple, often competing ‘walking as leisure’ framings, which, to varying degrees, challenge or complement the traditional transport frame of walking,” the authors continue (104). Research participants identified places where they liked to walk, “pleasant environments to be enjoyed and experienced,” or places that were inaccessible to other modes of transportation (104). Research participants also talked about the experience of walking to school, in particular the way it produces an awareness of the walker’s surroundings, which suggests “that there can be values to walking to school that go beyond health benefits and reduced carbon emissions, whereby walking enables students to learn about and experience the local environment. This type of enjoyment and experiential learning might be overlooked through the traditional transport framing” (104). Some participants talked about the benefits of having time to think, time to prepare for the day, while walking: “These attributes underscore the leisurely values of walking that can be neglected by a speed/pace focus. For these students, the speed of travel is less important than reflective opportunities enabled through time spent walking” (104).

Did the students enjoy walking? Yes, a few did: one “positioned the period of time that he spent walking as a transition between school and home; the demands on his attention and the stress of home life and school life are temporarily suspended” (105). “The independence and freedom of walking for high school students was also articulated in this research,” the authors note (105). In addition, walking was also identified as a social activity, something that groups of friends could do (105). This finding “highlights the way walking interacts with individual or collective processes and norms” (105). Students who walked to school identified “more nuanced meanings of walking, which go beyond the function of travel from A to B,” including pleasure and independence (105). 

This research suggests that the benefits of walking go beyond traditional transportation discourses “and present a conceptualisation of walking to school that relates more closely to leisure mobilities” (106). “The purposeful nature of these mobilities lies in the directed travel between places (i.e. from home to school). We therefore propose that ‘purposeful leisure’ could present a new framing that cold be beneficial for the promotion of walking as part of an active transport promotion intervention,” the authors contend (106). This framing is a departure from the “traditional focus of transport researchers on specific categories of travel (e.g. commuting, leisure, business) or spheres (e.g. walking, driving, or travelling virtually)” which “treats these movement as separate and self-contained”; in contrast, their research “illuminates the range of ways that walking is experienced by high school students and suggests that reframing the walk as purposeful leisure rather than transport, could expose more nuanced ways that mobility is performed” (106). Indeed, “for some high school students, negotiating the urban space, using short cuts and accessing new parts of the city, contributes to the attractiveness of walking and experiences of the city” (106). Their research participants articulated experiences of the city they gained by walking to school: “routes of particular meaning, taking short cuts, and enjoying nature, that would be missed if other modes were used” (106). “This research exposes both experiences of walking as a space for quiet, reflection and preparation, but it also highlights the sustained physical and emotional sensations, feelings of happiness and positivity, after walking,” the authors contend (106), noting that specific geographical and socio-cultural and socio-economic contexts will generate “nuanced, place-based and localised perceptions” of walking (107). In any case, “a ‘walking as purposeful leisure’ framing may help to overcome any stigma attached to these perception[s], and could contribute to interventions to increase walking to school among high school students” (107). Their research findings “present a new lens through which to view the benefits of walking to school; benefits that could transform future interventions” (107). While traditional transportation-focused comparisons may end up defining walking as “conceptually demoted” as a slow or inconvenient mode of transportation, “framing walking for transport as ‘purposeful leisure’ may overcome some barriers” (107).

In chapter 9,“Spiking: The Quest for Challenge and Meaning Among Hikers” (109-18), Ron McCarville and Chantel Pilon note that walking is good for you and that recent research has discovered that walkers felt detached from their problems and released from responsibilities (109). That detachment “may be enhanced when the walking takes place in natural settings”: “It seems that interaction with . . . nature can be profoundly positive for the walker” (109). “The popularity of walking may also be enhanced by its inherent flexibility”—in other words, there are fewer restraints involved in walking compared to other leisure activities (109). This flexibility: is important: “Walkers may choose from an array of distances, terrains and conditions. They may explore their own back yard or may travel the globe to experience hikes organised and coordinated by others. Their journeys may take place over several months on iconic routes like the Appalachian Trail, El Camino or the Milford Track, or may be completed before lunch” (109). Because of this flexibility, “we know that walkers and hikers will self-select settings that best meet their own particular requirements,” and that “this flexibility helps paraticipants explore, express and develop sense of self,” because they can “choose from activities, challenges and locations that meet their own interests and capabilities. . . . As their preferences are expressed, notions of self are challenged or affirmed” (109).

However, what if the goal of the hike is to induce rather than reduce stress? what if the hike isn’t about tranquility and reflection? (109). This is the goal of “spiking”: “the phenomenon in which traditionally noncompetitive activities (like hiking) are approached with a competitive spirit” (110). “Spiking,” short for “sport hiking” (110), has three characteristics: “1) the primary motive is overcoming a challenge; 2) the degree of difficulty is enhanced by self-imposed conditions; and 3) specific goals are set such that these conditions render goal attainment uncertain” (110). According to the authors, “the goal of spiking is to enhance and even celebrate” the challenge associated with hiking (110). For example, spikers undertake the “rim to rim” challenge at the Grand Canyon, a hike of 24 miles with a vertical drop/climb of about 9,000 feet (110) in a short period of time: 

many sources recommend that hikers allocate two to three days to complete this very difficult hike. However, the spiking spirit is both ingenious and diabolical. Enthusiasts continue to add to the challenge. Much of the rim-to-rim coverage is highlighting ever more aggressive time limits for completing this route. Many of those who complete the challenge report doing so in a single day. but the challenge continues to grow. Recently, a small group has begun to toy with the idea of hiking rim to rim to rim. (110)

Choosing to increase the difficulty of such a hike is an exercise in spiking (110). Unlike typical tourists, “spiking excursions may seek anything but the ideal”: “The goal is to seek out challenge; and (perhaps) to rejoice in the discomfort that the challenge might bring” (111). Hardship may be associated with challenge, but “overcoming a challenge seems the more central interest” (111).

Challenge needs to be balanced with skill, though, so that the participant can enter into a flow experience: “The more difficult it is to negotiate the balance, the more profound and meaningful the experience” (112). Because “spiking permits hikers to choose challenges/parameters that best meet their personal skills and goals. . . . hikers can best express their own values, abilities and skill sets” through the challenges they pursue (112). “Challenge and the potential to overcome that challenge stir the heart of the spiking community,” the authors contend. “This represents considerable opportunity for tourism providers. Locations and venues that can promise challenge will gain the attention of the spiking community” (112). 

Spikers often share their adventures, using blogs to do so (113). Those blogs “may promote, guide and direct the spiking efforts of others,” who desire to emulate the challenges they read about (113). Spiking has a shadow, however: the risk of personal injury, which can be life-threatening (114-15). Any usually non-competitive activity, like birding, has “spiking potential” (116); in fact, the idea of spiking “can be applied to almost any setting” (116). The solo, durational walks of artists like Richard Long or Hamish Fulton might be considered forms of spiking, but I’m not sure that their primary goal is challenging themselves physically or mentally. Spiking also suggests that the range of activities in which people are willing to engage can extend far beyond relatively short, convivial walks. I find myself wondering what kinds of walking are actually anti-democratic, given the way that people engage in spiking out of desire and interest.

In chapter 12, “On the Beaten Track: How Do Narratives from Organised Hiking Differ from ‘Real’ Hiking Narratives?” (119-26), Outi Rantala and Seija Tuulentie write that “there is an emerging market for soft adventure holidays offering convenient, risk-assessed and quality-assured hiking experiences for people with little wilderness experience”—in contrast to the ideal Finnish hiker, “a Jack-London type lonely wolf surviving easily in wilderness” (119). These “commercial hiking holidays are described in terms of easiness of accessing beautiful scenery, convenience, and no-need-for-previous-experience” (119). They are not like traditional hikes in Finland:

Traditional, independently arranged hiking in Finnish Lapland means walking fairly long distances, carrying quite heavy backpacks with equipment for camping out, and having some orienteering and fire-making skills. On the other hand, infrastructure such as open huts and fireplaces are available easily for everyone. Everyman’s rights permit walking almost everywhere, and nature can be regarded as safe. Despite the relative easiness of hiking terrain, good infrastructure and well-marked trails, demand exists for organised hiking trips. (119)

The authors want to know how the experiences of hiking differ between independent hikers and those participating in an organized hike (119). That’s the language they’re using: 

The concept of hiking refers here to trips that include long-distance walks across mountain areas or woods, and at least one overnight stay. By organised hikes, we refer to trips that have been arranged by tourism companies or outdoor and other associations, and which have a participation fee. Organised hikes also differ from independent hikes in that the group members do not know each other beforehand, and the group has a guide or a leader. In addition, luggage transportation may be arranged and accommodation provided by local enterprises. These arrangements make the organised hikes naturally more costly, but also more safe and easy, than the independent hiking trips. (119)

However, the authors note that “both types of hiking include a lot of walking along paths or terrain, which requires good physical condition and appropriate clothing and shoes” (119).

Their data consist of narratives about both kinds of hiking, posted on blogs or published in book form (120). They write that “there is a difference between online diaries produced by ‘real’ hikers and those produced by persons participating in organised hiking trips. Organised hiking trip narratives were more often published on the organisers’ websites instead of independent blogs or diaries” (120). The authors focus on practices “that seem to differentiate the ‘real’ hikers from commercial ones in Finnish Lapland: finding the way, setting up the camping area, and adventuring” (121), but they also “focus on issues that are common to the walking experiences of both types of hikers’ narratives” (121). 

“Orienteering, or simply finding one’s way in the wilderness dominates the narratives of independent hikers”: getting lost, finding the path, are essential parts of narratives of independent hikers (121). “The practice of finding one’s way . . . brings together the previous embodied experience of hiking in the wilderness and the hours spent preparing for the trip by reading maps, counting kilometres, evaluating the fitness of each hiking companion, learning about the spots to find fresh water, and checking the weather forecast,” they write (122). In addition, “the descriptions of way-finding often refer to the process of learning—learning the best route, learning how to walk on rocky ground, or learning not to trust other people’s advice” (122). Hikers also need to be ready to change plans quickly (122). In contrast, while way-finding is also present in narratives of participants from organized hiking trips, they usually take a visual form: “paths show the way, but they also give perspective to the pictures of open landscape” (122). In other words, while “independent hikers use way-finding as a plot in their narrative or fill the narration of way-finding with thick description,” participants in “organised hiking use pictures related to way-finding more as proof of being in a certain spot and as marking where the path next takes them. Thus, the expectations are not forwarded towards the embodied knowledge of not getting lost” (122). 

“Similar to way-finding, the parts of narratives that describe setting up the camp for a night and sleeping in the wilderness are thick with expectations and modalities,” they continue (122). For independent hikers, 

the practice of setting up the camp is very much intertwined with the practice of walking—both because the longer it takes to find a good spot to set up the camp, the longer one needs to walk and carry their heavy backpack with all the gear related to sleeping, and because the rhythms of walking and sleeping impact each other. Sleeping out in the wilderness does not form a break from the day’s activities for independent hikers, but is rather an integral part of the experience where the walking body is in a lying position on the same ground that is trodden by feet during the hike. (122)

Narratives about setting up camp are bound up with narratives about weather; storms and hard rain bring out “strong emotions such as fear,” partly because they are not typical in Finland (122). Other weather challenges reported include wind and hot temperatures (122). In the narratives of independent hikers, “the freedom of setting up camp anywhere in the wilderness and freedom to change plans is apparent throughout the stories. . . . It is the freedom of choosing the place to set up camp, but also the embodied skill needed to be able to do so, that differentiates the narratives between the two groups of hikers” (123).

Photographs taken by independent hikers and participants in organized hikes resemble each other—because the landscape is the same, and because the images suggest the way adventure is constructed “through hiking in a special and prestigious destination” (123). “However, the independent hikers add another layer of adventure to the narration by describing when something unexpected happens in this landscape—when the vastness of the wilderness or the hardness of the rocky ground causes changes to the planned hike,” the authors suggest. “The unexpectedness refers to risks that are apparent in hiking in the (relatively safe) wilderness and mastery of the risky conditions. Outdoor adventure tourism is, however, as much about mastering the risks as about communion with nature and therefore various methods can be used to construct expectations related to adventure in the narratives of hikers” (123). 

“The communion with nature is referred to when the rhythm of walking and sleeping is changed to match better the rhythm of nature” in the thick description of the hikers’ engagements with the natural world (123). However, “sociability is also a significant focus of the narratives,” both in those created by independent hikers and to the participants in organized trips: “Independent hikers often report being with friends and meeting other hikers, while the participants of the arranged trips have to adjust their walking to that of the group of previously unknown participants and the guide” (123). Sociability is related to safety, since hiking alone is dangerous, and in the arranged trips, that relationship is intensified, because the members of the group don’t know each other before beginning the hike (124). Participants in organized hikes often write about finding solitude and avoiding social action as a moral imperative: “Because of these expectations related to the wilderness experience, it is not surprising that some of the participants of the organised hikes want to emphasise that it is possible to be alone in a group; to walk alone and only have pauses and nights together, or the notion of the group being so small that it is possible to feel the wilderness” (124). However, social relationships end up strained when something goes wrong (124).

“Another important part of the narratives, which is common to both independent and organised hikers, is the expression of surviving and exceeding oneself,” the authors report (124). Achievement means different things to different people, but it is central, and difficulties make the achievement more memorable (124). Indeed, without difficulties, there is often no story to tell: “the Finnish narratives convey an intensity of experience, when something ‘really happened’ during the journey. When the route is lost, the weather gets worse or some small injury happens, the narrative gets more layered” (125). Thick description also emerges “when decisions about the change of route or place to set up camp have to be made, or when there is hesitation if the hikers have lost their way” (125). Hiking in a group is a sociable experience, both in independent and arranged hikes, but “the possibility of solitude is strong” (125). 

In their conclusion, the authors note that the main difference between the two kinds of hiking “relates to making decisions related to way-finding and setting up the camp. The narratives of either deciding to continue the trip as planned or to take a step away from the planned route and rhythm were full of expectations. The continuous decision making, based on embodied knowledge and sensory perception of weather, is an important part of independent hikers’ experiences, but is not apparent in participating in an organised hike” (125). All of this strikes me as relevant to discussions of solo, durational walking practices as compared to some, but certainly not all, participatory or convivial art walking projects. I know that when I have participated in walks curated by my friend Hugh Henry, I haven’t worried about way-finding or where to camp, because those decisions have been made in advance. In contrast, when I’ve walked alone, I’ve gotten lost and often been puzzled about where to camp. I wonder if the same is true of some convivial walking projects. If the route is determined in advance, there will be less flexibility and also perhaps less anxiety for participants—but more for the organizers of the walk, I would think, who are responsible for the safety, well-being, and quality of experience of participants. 

Chapter 13, “Comparisons Between Hikers and Non-Hikers in Iceland: Attitudes, Behaviours and Perceptions,” by Anna Dóra Sæþósdóttir, C. Michael Hall and Þorkell Stefánsson (127-36), looks at hiking and walking is an important part of the tourist experience in Iceland (128). The authors surveyed hikers and non-hikers—both Icelanders and foreign tourists—and discovered that hikers were more likely not to like roads, bridges, hotels, restaurants, gas stations, visitors centres, and power plants; however hikers were more in favour of mountain huts and campsites (131). On the other hand, non-hikers thought designated footpaths, walkways, picnic places and markings on places of interest were important (131). “However, enjoying peace and unspoilt nature, walking without seeing structures, having few other tourists around, seeing no trace of off-road driving, and no trace of others having been there, of marked walking routes and campsites with facilities, and to be able to camp wherever they want and where they do not hear or see others, are all more important to hikers than non-hikers,” they suggest (131-34). In addition, hikers were more negative about power lines than non-hikers (134). Hikers also tend to perceive Highland areas as “safer, more natural and more accessible than non-hikers” (134). In their conclusions, the authors note that 80 percent of international tourists visit Iceland because of its natural environment, “which makes it a resource for the tourism industry, as well as for energy generation and low-cost, energy-dependent businesses such as smelters. Nevertheless, the capacity to reconcile infrastructure development with tourism is substantially limited from a visitor perspective” (134-35). Therefore, if the country develops power plants, energy-dependent industries, and power lines in Highland areas, tourists may not return—although only 10 percent of visitors surveyed engaged in hiking, although that activity was more prevalent in the Highlands (135). The authors conclude that “hikers perceive and understand the landscape in a different way from non-hikers. Their willingness to tolerate certain infrastructure or evidence of environmental disturbance is more limited than non-hikers” (135). Perhaps the hikers expect an unspoiled or even curated landscape, whereas other tourists have lower expectations?

I skipped half a dozen chapters that were not relevant to my work and landed on chapter 22: Hannelene Schilar’s essay “The Solo-Hike: A Journey of Distance and Closeness” (223-31). Schilar walked 800 km on hiking rails in Sweden, Norway, and Finland over three months in the summer of 2014—alone: she was “curious about what thought and solitude would do to me” (223). As a researcher, she was skeptical about those motivations, however, and observant of the experience and interested in what others are looking for “out there” (223). Her hikes were her fieldwork; she met 16 other solo-hikers during her journey “and sought to grasp their aspirations as well as experiences” through unstructured interviews, with leading questions as prompts (223). Those leading questions included “What do they seek out there? What is solo-hiking about? What does it feel like?” (223). Those questions “emphasize the phenomenological stance of the project” (223). “Striving to translate the phenomenological approach into practice, my work has been characterized by moving forward, not only on the paths, but interview by interview—building, rebuilding and discarding hypotheses, seeking a deeper understanding of the solo-hiking experience,” Schilar writes (224). She met her interview subjects as another solo-hiker, an equal “sharing their experiential world and building a trust-based relationship” (224), and her hiking became the basis of her PhD dissertation (224).

“Initially, the solo-hike disguises itself as a celebration of solitude and independence,” Schilar writes. “Solitude is never seen as boring, but in its calm and beautiful moments, it gets lonely at times” (224). So while solitude “allows a deeper engagement with and profounder experiences of the natural surroundings” and an experience of independence—“a somewhat Romantic vision of the solitary walker”—“there is more than the mere being alone, isolation, intensity or independence to the solo experience” (224). Some solo hikers do not choose to walk alone, but do that by default (224). Paradoxically, being alone means meeting more people: “actual solitude is a much-negotiated attribute of the trip; and what appears a search for solitude can in reality be a search for company” (225). For Schilar, “the solo-hiker is not a simplistic archetype—a loner or a hard-core adventurer. Rather the solo-hiker is a momentary role people are curious about or long for. This experience is often depicted in contrast to their social/family lives and symbolizes a response to it” (225).

Hiking “is very bodily and physical. Simply a forward movement. Moving forward is satisfying and natural. There is the body and its only task is the path” (225). “You just go ahead,” she writes. “A hundred, two hundred, three hundred kilometres. Sometimes you stumble. Sometimes it rains. It is exhausting” (225). In their descriptions of the physical experience, “people speak of challenge, struggle, pain and an encounter with their limits. It should be emphasized that the attraction lies again in the difference to the challenges of everyday life” (225). She writes that “some people might come in the first place because of an encounter with their psychic boundaries (work, family, etc.). So, out there they play with their physicality and test their bodies instead, which seems to establish a different way of proving oneself. Thus, walking is seen as bringing physique and psyche in balance” (226). 

Schilar’s particular interest is in “the construction of adventure and awayness through the forward movement” of solo-hiking (226). She suggests that “the physical nature of walking and experiences of liminality become exploited in people’s storytelling to construct some form of adventurer-identity: moving forwards, the solo-hiker becomes an adventurer” (226). People use humour to turn risky experiences into adventure stories where they are heroically pitted against the natural world (226). In this way, solo-hiking is a form of performance: “I remember when I walked without seeing anybody for hours or sometimes days. You walk completely alone, unobserved. When you then spot a person on the horizon something strange happens: you become aware of your body through the eyes of the other, how you walk, what you look like; you immediately censor your behaviour” (226-27). Some solo hikers take selfies—another kind of performance (227). Solo-hikers “seek an adventure aesthetic and the forward movement is a becoming: first, through their physical embodiment, and second, through their narratives” (227). 

“Further, the forward movement brings the solo-hiker away,” Schilar writes. “Away from real life, the city, work, technology and society. It is about being somehow close to nature and far away from ‘all this’” (227). Hikers thus make a distinction between urban life and nature which implies frustration with and critique of urban life—its speed, the way it destroys the natural world through resource extraction and consumerism, its anonymity and coldness (227). In contrast, nature is seen as “less harsh, but offering calm, relaxation and peace” (227). “In this respect,” Schilar writes, 

nature is a place that is away and distant, not necessarily in terms of geographical distance, but distant and different in terms of experience. Moving forward, the solo-hiker enters and explores another experiential world, another lifeworld. Time and space are perceived differently: they evaporate or dissolve. People speak of following the flow of the day and inner rhythm instead of a schedule or a clock. They also describe a different way of place-making that is free and unconstrained. They have the feeling of being able to go anywhere, to make places their own by simply putting up the tent and give them meaning. They tell about a deep engagement with place and particularly the path. (227)

The natural world “and its construction stand very much in relation to real life. The solo-hikers strive to travel and live outdoors, collect new experiences and return. Again the appeal lies in the temporariness of the experience” (228). The hike is thus not “an escape, but rather an establishment of balance” (228). That balance embraces not only “the here and there, but also the inner/outer, mental/physical” (228).

According to Schilar, the solo-hike can be “understood as an inwards turn, exploration of the self and its place within the life path,” and it gives “a frame for thought,” which is seen as desirable (228). It is an experience of flow (228) and a meditation or inner exploration (228). However, solo-hikers aren’t clear about how those inner processes are connected to their journey: “Occasionally, it is expressed that the simplicity of tasks (walking, eating, camping) liberates the mind. Yet, I remember these also occupy the mind greatly: How far have I walked? What will I cook? Where will I put my tend?” (228). Her interviewees tended “to feel more calm and orderly in their minds, without knowing how” (228). She argues “that the walking path and the individual life path are closely intertwined. So, some people seek to overcome specific life events (death, separation, loss of job[)]” while for others “the path symbolizes a rite of passage between childhood and maturity” (228). “Popular culture is full of tales of salvation through solo-hiking,” and these narrative raise “critical questions: Is that a promise? Does the solo-hike always function the way people hope for or expect? Is there always a rewarding inner experience?” (228). For that reason, there’s a need for longitudinal approaches, “to explore the wide range of experiences that individuals gain when turning inwards and when placing the solo-hike within their life paths” (229). Schilar concludes, “While it could at first seem that the solo-hike stands isolated in time and space, seemingly remote and alone, the material emphasized instead the embeddedness of the solo-hiking experience within a specific social, societal context and point in life” (229). 

I skipped most of the book’s third section, on the establishment and management of hiking trails, and found myself at chapter 25, “Rambling On: Exploring the Complexity of Walking as a Meaningful Activity,” by Kirsty Finnie, Tania Wiseman and Neil Ravenscroft (253-63). “Walking is the most popular leisure activity in the UK,” they begin, although people walk less now than they used to, “many healthy walking initiatives have failed,” and “more than half of the adults in England are not meeting the minimum recommendations for physical activity,” especially men (253). There is a gender divide in walking: “men do not benefit from simple physical activities such as walking to the extent that women do, which can impact negatively on men’s health and well-being, especially in later life” (254). 

To find out why men walk, “[a] qualitative study using a phenomenological approach to analyse semi-structured interviews was designed. This design allowed the exploration of the participants’ experiences of walking as a meaningful activity” (254). Participants were eight men interviewed about walking by a BBC radio podcast about rambling in the UK, interviews that took place in rural settings chosen by the participants—the authors were looking for “a rich description of the meaning of walking outdoors to men” (254-55). 

The findings of the analysis of those interviews suggested that “[o]ne of the main motivations found was to take the time to notice the setting. Participants made a point of commenting on their surroundings over the course of the walk, which was often linked and intertwined with the past, the place and nature” (256). Participants commented on how the space where they were walking had changed over time or how it had been used in the past (256); they also talked about how “the place can evoke strong emotions and provide motivation to walk” and about the personal significance of the location (257) and discussed their connection to nature, the earth, and life itself (257). Participants also “expressed their sense of self in terms of their present selves, how the walk inspires reminiscence of past self and in terms of the overall well-being experienced while walking” (257). “Participants demonstrated that walking provides opportunities to view the world differently, gaining inspiration from the surroundings and from the rhythm of walking, as well as discovering and exploring new things,” the writers suggest (259).

“This study illustrates the multifaceted and complex nature of walking as leisure, demonstrated by the three main themes and nine subthemes emerging from the data” (260). For the authors, “the benefits of walking go well beyond achieving the recommended weekly activity intake”: 

Indeed, the physical benefits of the activity were routinely lost within a deeper connection with the landscape, nature and a keen sense of the past. This study thus illustrates that there are a number of different meanings for men of walking for leisure, challenging ideas of walking as simply physical exercise and men’s leisure as essentially instrumental. Walking, for these participants, provided a platform to connect with themselves and the natural environment, both in the present and the past, and to reap the benefits of these connections. (260)

These findings “offer new insights into the potential value of walking for men”: 

Chief among these insights is that—unlike many of their other activities—walking can introduce sociability into men’s lives, as well as giving them an apparently safe space in which to experience themselves. Contrary to current literature, which places significance on walking in a group and values social connectedness, this study demonstrates the importance of surroundings. This was important to the participants’ experiences of meaningfulness. . . . The surroundings offered participants a sense of homecoming, belonging and familiarity, and were related to the physical environment in terms of history, landscape and nature. (260)

The research participants “described a connection to specific places, which suggests that the landscape provides cultural importance to the individual. This supports the unique value of personal experience and the finding that people access different landscapes for different reasons to meet specific needs” (260). They “reflected on aspects of themselves as part of their walking experience and these emerged in three subthemes of present, past and well-being” (260). 

“Contrary to common discourse about walking, social aspects did not appear to be a key element for participants in this study,” the authors state:

Masculinity also did not emerge as a main finding within awareness of self, which may be incongruent within the social construction of men portrayed in leisure studies. This may be due to the type of walking or rambling that the men were discussing, as it could be argued that this level of activity lacks many of the more “masculine” characteristics, such as competition or stamina. (260)

The brief discussion of masculinity suggests something about walking and the performance of gender for me. Perhaps because walking is not strenuous, the “physical aspects of well-being were not commonly highlighted as a main part of engaging in walking outdoors”; nor were issues of vulnerability (260). The authors suggest that “participants may not have considered walking primarily as a form of exercise” but rather “a platform to engage in other activities” (260). “Participants were able to view the world differently, gain inspiration to feed their creativity and explore and discover new things,” they conclude. “This theme is congruent with doing, which values exploring new opportunities as a way of experiencing meaningful occupations” (260-61). While walking “offered an opportunity to be inspired,” it also “elicited a sense of adventure, which appeared to motivate many of the participants to engage in it, because they valued the unpredictability of the exercise” (261).

I skipped over a chapter that concluded that long-distance walking can be tranformative—I already knew that from experience—and read chapter 27, “Walking to Promote Increased Physical Activity” (274-87), by Ian Patterson, Shane Pegg, and Wan Rabiah Wan Omar. They suggest that “there are two categories of non-participation” in walking: “those who do not desire to participate, and those for whom constraints or barriers exist” (276-77). The authors distinguish between “internal constraints, which are seen as within the individual’s control, and external constraints, that refer to those beyond an individual’s control” (277). They suggest that “the challenge for policy makers in to identify walking intervention strategies that reduce these constraints, as well as to increase people’s motivations to walk regularly” (277).

Ethnicity, age, gender, car ownership, education, and work status are socio-demographic characteristics “pertinent to walking activity” (277). Under the heading of ethnicity, language barriers and peer non-acceptance due to cultural beliefs are barriers to physical activity, particularly for women from “diverse racial or ethnic backgrounds” (277). People tend to become less physically active as they get older (277). Women less likely to walk than men—partly because of chores in the home—but women are more likely to walk if they have friends to walk with, if they have family support, could walk with a baby in a stroller, and “had a variety of places to walk” (277); in contrast, walking for men was more associated with their level of education (277)—although how education affects men and walking isn’t clear from the chapter. Car owners walk less than people without cars (278). High levels of education and income are correlated with high levels of physical activity, although one study found no connection between people who reported being regular trail users and socio-demographic characteristics when income, race, and gender were taken into consideration (278). Being in or out of work seems to have little effect on whether people walk (278). Intrapersonal influences, including knowledge, attitudes, beliefs, personality traits influence walking behaviour (278). However, intrapersonal influences are hard to change, so the authors suggest focusing on environmental factors instead (279). 

Social support is “one of the important influential determinants on walking activity,” and both formal and informal social support networks are important (279). Focusing on changing social factors regarding walking is important, but that needs to be supported with other physical interventions, such as “providing suitable facilities in order to make walking convenient” (279). For this reason, walking trails are important (280), although people need to feel they will be safe from crime on walking trails, and safe from traffic as well (280). Different trail surface materials suit different types of trail activity, but a “fine-grained surface creates an efficient environment for pedestrian travel and, more importantly, it enables wheelchair users, as well as families with babies in strollers, to use walking trails” (281). Trail width is also a consideration, as are the gradients of slopes: “The absence of hilly terrains has been found to be associated with higher levels of trail use” (281). Walking trails need to be close to communities (281)—not only close to home, but also to schools, shops, transit, open spaces (281). Trails need to have scenic views and trailside facilities, including toilets, benches, drinking fountains, garbage bins, signage, picnic tables, parking, bike racks; and, for people with disabilities, handrails, accessible toilets, seats for resting (282). Well-maintained trails attract more walkers (282). For the authors, “the most effective trails are usually generated from community input that emphasises community interest,” so “it is important to consider a range of people’s perspectives in the design of trails, in order to encourage greater interest in walking” (282). They conclude that “a multi-level intervention is the most desirable option to achieve increased walking activity” (282). I found the brief discussion of gender and walking in this chapter interesting, but I would’ve liked to know more about why and how men and women walk differently.

I skipped a chapter on leisure walking and began reading Giovanna Bertella’s “Dog Walking in Urban Greenspaces” (300-08). Although this chapter seemed far from my research, it yielded the term “‘soft fascination’”: “a combination of light physical activity, effortless concentration and aesthetic pleasure” (300). “Soft fascination is often described by the pleasure deriving from various sources, such as, for example, the observation of vegetation and animals, at a distance removed from urban landscapes, typically studded with offices and shops,” Bertella writes (300). I would like to know more about “soft fascination” and its connection to different kinds of walking.

“The companionship of a dog usually motivates people to use urban greenspaces for daily walks,” Bertella states, although some studies indicate “that simple ownership of a dog does not necessarily lead to performance of daily walks” (300). “Nonetheless, it can be said that urban greenspaces provide a leisure-oriented landscape to which many dog guardians daily bring their canine companions to play, exercise and socialise with other dogs and humans” (300). This study focuses “on those aspects related to the dog guardian’s mental well-being, understood as an experience of pleasure, happiness, sense of meaning and self-realisation” (300). Dog walking is one way the relationship between dogs and their owners manifests itself; it “can be described as a daily ritual shaped by a combination of the guardians’ conceptualisation of their dogs and other more practical considerations, such as, for example, the time available for the activity, and the physical conditions and characteristics of the dog” (300-01). Because dog walking is “motivated by a strong sense of responsibility as a result of interspecies love and respect” and is “designed to satisfy the dogs’ physical and mental needs to be active,” it “can be described as a leisure-friendly obligation”:

Dog walking is about commitment and responsibility, as well as enjoyment and relaxation. Thus, the dog walking experience can be situated between the obligation the person feels towards the animal and the pleasant aspects of the activity that, from the perspective of the human, is centred on a strong emotional attachment to the dog as well as personal positive output in the form of soft fascination. (301)

There’s that term “soft fascination” again: I’m going to have to learn more about that. 

Bertella’s study used an autoethnographic, narrative methodology: she reported her experiences of dog walking in Florence, Italy, and Tromso, Norway, in both summer and winter, in a diary (301). Those diary entries were then categorized thematically (301-02). Her findings suggest that the dog-walking experience is “an interspecies ritual,” and its repetitive aspects generate a sense of security for participants (303). The experience is shared with other dog-human couples (303), and dog walkers tended to see themselves as a group of like-minded people (303). In this way, “dog walking in urban greenspaces promotes the emergence of spontaneous interspecies communitas. These are social entities which include people and dogs—the latter viewed as significant others—that emerge as temporary states of affectual bonding created through direct mutual interaction and the recognition of similar lifestyles” (304).

“Several aspects of the dog walking experience . . . can be related to the concept of soft fascination”: ideas of relaxation and reflection, of getting away from obligations to people (family members or colleagues), and of spending time alone (304). According to Bertella, “[t]he dog in particular seemed to be perceived as a special significant other with whom the person could be entirely her- or himself” (304). “The data suggest also that dog walking was perceived as experiencing a sort of domesticated nature, characterised by vegetation and animals, as well as by human built objects, such as benches and—in the case of Florence—monuments,” she writes. “In this sense, it was an experience somewhere in between being in nature and being in a human-built environment” (304). In addition, “dog walking was sometimes described as an alternative way to see and live in the town” (305).

Dog walkers tended to respond to the urban environment through their interpretations of the animals’ perception of the environment (305); “[t]hus, dog walking can be described as a sort of in-between experience—an experience between an obligation and a leisure, an experience of being together and being alone, being in nature and being in town, being a human and being an animal” (305). It is a liminoid experience, both “a means of escaping from the realities [of] everyday responsibilities, but also as opportunities for individual movement and expression” (305). Dog walking is also an ethical experience: it depends “on the conceptualisation that the guardian has of his or her dog and, presumably, of dogs in general” (306). Dog walkers sometimes reflected “on both their attitudes towards, and beliefs about, different animal species, and also about the value of each animal, viewed as a unique individual and not just as a member of a specific species” (306). In this way, urban dog walking is complex: it can be understood through concepts like communitas and liminoid experience, and it “can be important in terms of soft fascination, and can also be a meaningful experience in terms of security and freedom” (306). It also offers people “the possibility of finding harmony in the contrasting aspects of everyday urban life” (306). Finally, it “can encourage reflection on the way we experience the physical environment and animal ethical issues, and, consequently, it can be relevant in terms of self-realization, contributing to personal growth” (306).

I still want to learn more about the differences between places that are walkable and places that aren’t, so I read chapter 30,“Walkable Places for Visitors: Assessing and Designing for Walkability” (311-29), by Yael Ram and C. Michael Hall. They note that cities, 

as walking spaces, were developed for their citizens around two forms of walking facilities—streets and what Solnit described as, ‘anti-streets,’ which refers to public spaces such as parks, gardens and promenades. While the ‘streets’ reflect everyday life and, before the eighteenth century were seldom used for pleasure, the ‘anti-streets’ were often built solely for the pleasure of citizens, and especially the emerging middle classes of the industrial revolution, and were initially designated to convey or resemble high-class aesthetics. (311)

More recently, streets and parks “have become foci of research, reflecting the understanding that walking facilitates the pedestrian’s mental and physical health, and can provide environmental benefits as a mode of green mobility, as well as encourage the development and maintenance of social capital through engagement and familiarity with the neighborhood and local people” (311). Walkability is “achieved when the streets and other walking spaces provide pedestrians a secure network of connections to varied destinations, within a reasonable amount of time and effort, and offering a pleasant and interesting context” (311).

The concept of walkability is broad “and encompasses different approaches and definitions, which may lead to different design outcomes” (311). Its features include “areas being traversable, compact, physically enticing and safe, while others deal with the outcomes potentially fostered by such environments, such as making places lively, enhancing sustainable transportation options and inducing exercise” (311). Other features of walkability in the literature of the subject include the notion that it can be equated to “encouraging physical activity; close, barrier-free; safe; full of pedestrian infrastructure and destinations; and upscale, leafy, or cosmopolitan” (311). There are two key factors of walkable built environments: proximity and access (312). “Walkable trips are usually considered by urban planners as trips that take no longer than five minutes (equivalent to 400 meters) for each direction,” Ram and Hall note, suggesting that for longer trips, people prefer to drive (312). “Other factors that are often mentioned as central to walkability,” they continues, “are connectivity and continuation of the sidewalks and absence of barriers for walking; linkage to other transport modes; safety from traffic, crime and falls; the physical conditions and the quality of the path and contextual values, such as aesthetic and historic interest” (312).

However, walking also takes place within a behavioural environment “within which walking and personal decisions about walking occur” (312). “The characteristics of the built environment and the physical geography of a location, e.g. weather, steepness, together with the people who use and inhabit a location create the design and place qualities that walkers experience,” Ram and Hall contend. “These are also affected at the micro-level by decisions with respect to routes, distance, purpose of trip, as well as the time at which walking occurs; and at the macro level by the governance of walking in a particular location,” which includes factors such as “street cleanliness and garbage collection, but over longer time scales it includes path maintenance and design, public space provision, public transport availability, and the planning laws that affect urban design, density, roading and pedestrian friendliness” (312). The combination of these objective and subjective factors “provide the environment that determines perceived accessibility, as well as the behavior of walkers” (312-13).

Visitors and tourists tend to be ignored by the literature on walkability in favour of “local pedestrians” (315). However, the authors contend that “research and understanding of tourists’ walkability can be perceived as an additional important aspect of walkable places, as well as urban walkability” (315). I’m not interested in tourism, so I skipped ahead to the authors’ conclusions, where they suggest that “the popular assumption that walkability is always good for places is simplistic and neglects issues of design and assessment. For the urban destination as a whole, walkability is probably an advantage, but there is a lack of reliable and valid measurement tools to confirm it” (324). The chapter’s bibliography of studies on walkability gives me a place to begin trying to understand that concept better. I want to know whether my city is walkable, compared to other cities where convivial or participatory walking takes place, and whether walkability is a feature in the development of a walking culture that would support participatory walking events and projects. 

I skipped over the rest of the book, which focused on tourism and the design of walking trails—I’m not interested in either topic. The concluding chapter was repetitive and not of much interest. Nevertheless, The Routledge International Handbook of Walking was useful as an introduction to the way social scientists think about walking, and ideas like walkability and soft fascination will be worth following up on. To what extent are psychogeographic or mythogeographic walks, for instance, ways of experiencing a form of soft fascination, perhaps in environments that might not tend to generate that response, even though, on the surface, soft fascination appears to be the antithesis of what that kind of walking seeks? Is walkability an unspoken requirement for participatory or convivial walking events? I’ve ended up with a long list of articles to read after finishing this book, and no doubt that’s a good thing. I’m broadening my ideas about walking. That’s the point of this exercise, so I’m heading in the right direction.

Works Cited

Hall, C. Michael, Yael Ram, and Noam Shoval, eds. The Routledge International Handbook of Walking, Routledge, 2018.

Holloway, Dan. Six Self-Publishing Surprises.” The Guardian, 30 July 2013. https://www.theguardian.com/books/2013/jul/30/six-self-publishing-surprises.

Helen Billinghurst, Claire Hind, and Phil Smith, editors, Walking Bodies: Papers, Provocations, Actions from Walking’s New Movements, the Conference

This book arrived some time last year, but I didn’t read it right away. Why not? I don’t know. Perhaps because I attended the conference at the University of Plymouth in November 2019 that it documents, or because I’m the author of one of the chapters. But since I’m reading books about walking as an art practice, it was time to take it off the shelf and start reading.

Walking Bodies is a heterogenous text, bringing together accounts of walking projects, theoretical essays, manifestoes, scripts and walking prompts and various forms of photographic and textual documentation of walks of many different kinds. That mixture suggests something about the richness of contemporary art walking practices—at least as represented at that conference—and of their political ambitions. I’m not going to discuss every chapter in this summary, but they’re all worth reading or, in the case of the photographic chapters, viewing. Instead, I’m going to focus on the chapters that have some bearing on my current research project.

All three editors, who organized the conference as well, provide introductions to the book. Phil Smith is first. He notes that at the beginning of the conference, the organizers “acknowledged a lack of any clear pattern to the subject matter of the various provocations, performances and papers,” and that they wondered whether “something more coherent might arise as a result of the events, question and answer sessions, social encounters and general interactions to come” (v). Afterwards, when they sat down to think about this book, they felt the same way: “for all our excitement at the multiplicity of experiences and information-exchanges that we had shared in, we retained only the vaguest sense that anything as coherent as a theme had emerged from the conference” (v). It was only after chapter submissions had been received did “something like the appearance of a ‘movement,’ however partial,” begin to form: “Not in the sense of a social movement, but rather a coalescing of quite separate ideas that seemed drawn to each other, perhaps superseding the agency of their human proposers” (v). For Smith, the book suggests “something of a change of direction in walking arts,” even though it includes only “a fraction of a fraction of a fraction” of the work of the conference’s participants (v). The pattern Smith sees 

seems to be partly constituted of a shift towards embodiment; to a walking body at the mercy of the terrain rather than one bathing in the sublime or masterfully sponging up ambiences. The relative and material nature of that “at the mercy” is made clear in some of the chapters below: it is not something that many walkers now seek to transcend, but rather to negotiate. The dynamic pattern at play here is partly fuelled by a fracturing in psychogeography; with the unhuman geography becoming more highly prized than the human “psycho” part. (vi)

“Within this shift, the integrity and identity of walkers’ bodies is far from sure; indeed, they are by no means necessarily human or free from hybridity,” he continues. “Instead, the walk is more likely shared than individual; even when walking alone, the walker is not ‘lone’ in the way that it was sometimes assumed they were in the recent history of walking arts” (vi). 

For that reason, some of the book’s chapters “attend to the unhuman others that walk with the human,” and sometimes “this extended webbing of various walkings is expressed in ecological terms,” while in others, “as a kind of animism,” and in still others, as both (vi). This webbing isn’t the interest in the occult that is characteristic of some forms of psychogeography: “Instead, this is more of a somatic and immersed pushing back against scientism and positivism in the face of climate catastrophe,” which “seems to favour intuition and tacit knowledge; the value of body to body learning and transmission by repertoire as much or more than by archive; and the value of being bodily immersed and entangled with alien consciousnesses as a means to arts, research and activist practices” (vi). New influences on these walking practices have appeared—Donna Haraway, Karen Barad, Simon O’Sullivan—while others have faded in importance, Smith notes (vi), and while it’s too early to say what these changes will mean for walking practices—particularly in the context of the climate disaster that is unfolding—Smith wonders if the Red Brigade, first seen at Extinction Rebellion actions, and the essays in this book might not be “responses to the same extreme circumstances by equally unusual and uneven means”; if that’s the case, “then the future of the ‘walking movements’ looks far less predictable, far less reasonable and far less moderate now than it did before November 2019” (vii).

Next is Claire Hinds. She reflects on the impact of the fleeting moment of the conference, and the way that walking arts “feel like a political necessity, not just for one’s own practice, but for the future of community, embodied practice and transformation” (vii). She suggests that the 10-minute provocations, shared outside of the normal panel-style conference presentations, which “were an exciting range of mini-manifestos and artworks for new ways of walking,” may have been the most important aspect of the conference, and that’s the reason some of them have been documented in this book (vii-viii). The inclusion of those provocations meant that the event felt more like a festival than a conference (viii).

Hinds contends that artists don’t have answers; rather, “they are provocateurs and their works set acts in motion” (viii). The art works that are included in the book “are not simply documentations of walking arts experiences”; instead, “they are prompts asking us to consider changing the way we engage with place and indeed space. They are instructions inviting us to respond, to act now and challenge the way we are living our lives” (ix). She hopes that “this book will be more than a document of a conference. It tells a story of walking’s relationship to creative forms of writing and mark making, where texts, scripts, scores, poetry and the visual arts illuminate the diverse tapestry that is walking arts practice” (ix).

Finally, Helen Billinghurst begins by noting the organizers’ attempt at keeping the cost of the event low, because of the “austerity and precarity” that “currently loom large for many artists and academics” (ix). They also hoped to highlight and flatten “hierarchies of privilege and exclusivity” by pointing towards “convivial and inclusive alternatives for walking, knowledge-sharing, making and doing” drawn from ideas like Nicolas Bourriaud’s “relational aesthetics” or Donna Haraway’s “string figuration” as “a way to relay patterns and make connections in ongoing processes of sympoiesis” (ix). Billinghurst suggests that the resulting conference “evolved into a complex and perplexing body/mind assemblage: jostling, probing, playful, sensual, somatic, occasionally adversarial, sometimes subversive. A human and unhuman hybrid that walked backwards and forwards, looked to the future and leaned into the past” (x). Simply by “levelling the playing field in economic terms,” she writes, “a platform was created that afforded a wider range of bodies and voices to participate and connect with each other” (x). Some of “the rich variety and generosity” of the conference “is now reflected in the chapters and pages of this book” (x).

The book’s first chapter is Sarah Scaife’s “Magical Aesthetics: walking with eight legs” (1-10). Scaife tells us that her visual art practice “tunes in to the vibrations between being-in-the-body, listening and mutual space” (1). “I set out to both emit and receive vibrations; the work emerges through this echo-location,” she writes. “Behind conversations with other people leis another, more private series of dialogues with the more-than-human” which take place through walking “from a place of intention and request, walking in soft absorbency, alert to the polyphony of the cosmos. On these walks I listen and the world speaks to me” (1). This chapter is a reflection on her own presentation but also on “some strands” she perceived during the conference” (1). 

Scaife’s breast cancer diagnosis in 2017 meant that walking took on a new significance; research shows that regular walking boosts the immune system and helps people recover form cancer, and she was able to walk every day during her treatment (1). She is interested in “how a magical, art-walking practice” enables “acceptance of the unknown and inevitable changes which will come; authenticity in expressing thoughts, feelings and emotions; and agency, a sense of autonomy in making choices where this is possible and taking an active part in the journey as it unfolds” (2). Scaife locates her art, theoretically, in “the domain of ‘Magical Aesthetics,’” which she describes as “an aesthetic of hybridity, participation, dialogue and the making of meaning” (2), and she invites her readers to join her in reimagining a walk she made a couple of weeks before the conference, one in which the self and the world present themselves “as tangled multitude” (3).

Scaife cites Emma Bush’s paper at the conference, in which Bush noted that spiders “make sense of the world through eight legs,” through the vibrations they feel in their web; walking also takes place in a web of connection (4-5), as a correspondence to her own practice. She describes her walks as “sign walks,” often walks within walks, made alone or “with one or more human others,” in which they find “an existing beginning and end in the landscape which offers a rite of entry”—a gate, a wall, a place where a path runs between two closely spaced trees or over a stream—and there they “pause and quietly set intention” (5). “From that moment we enter into heightened noticing, a changed perception,” she states (5). After 20 minutes, they step out of the sign walk again, “with appreciation for all we have met, returning to our ordinary sounds” (5). It’s an experience of flow, the state described by the psychologist Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi as an state where one experiences few distinctions between oneself and one’s environment, or between stimulus and response, similar to the way non-human animals move through the world (5). “The world that we live in, as experienced through the human sensory body, seems different to the world as known through the body of a spider, or a whale, and yet it is the same world,” Scaife writes. “How are we to make sense of this?” (5-6).

“Magical aesthetic practices offered me the possibility of ‘phoenix growth’: the new growth that rises after a tree has been severely damaged and perhaps fallen, confirming my sense of a deeper dimension of what it is to be alive in the more-than-human world” (6). Her walks, “understood as a magical performance process, have an aftermath,” she continues:

I may archive the walk in the sense that I document signs in a journal, perhaps research the implications of particular signs which I encountered and consider how they relate to the season or the phase of the moon. An object found on the walk—a stone, a berry, a found human-made object—might be added to my private collection temporarily, or for years, and perhaps be used in a different context. There is a time of reflection, of making meaning through the signs. (7)

When she walks with intention, she recognizes these signs: “somehow the creaturely, the elemental and even the discarded shows itself and I just know!” (8). Such “walking in dialogue has an effect on my well being. . . . It is a considered and developed practice. It is walking as a form of listening” (8). She suggests that walking enables her to participate in the generation of different worlds, different communities (9). Her conclusion takes the form of a brief poem: “Through walking we accept the life, death, life cycle. / Through walking we express trust, participation, and gratitude. / Through walking, we perform hope” (9).

In their chapter, “Walking in Tree Time or a walk with the woods” (11-20), Duncan Hay, Leah Lovett, Martin de Jode, Andrew Hudson-Smith ask “what it might mean for walking arts practices and research to recognise trees as walking subjects” (11). That question leads to others:

How can the movements of trees over years and centuries be understood in terms of walking? What does ‘walking in tree time’ reveal to us about our own, human pace, perspective and interactions with the world as walking subjects? Is it possible to conceive of ways for trees and people to walk together and, if so, what techniques are available to artists for bridging the gap—practically, imaginatively—between human and arboreal walking practices and temporalities? (11)

These are the questions raised by their interdisciplinary research project “The Internet of Trees,” which investigated the potential for using “Internet of Things (IoT)” in public spaces (11). The “Internet of Things,” they write, is defined as “a tendency whereby the increasing cheapness of networking, sensing, and artificial intelligence technologies allows more and more objects and devices to become connected to the internet” (12). This process allows “objects not conventionally associated with connectivity”—street furniture, buildings, trees—“to interact with each other and with people” (12). “The corollary of this is that we are not surrounded by objects which are communicating and acting in ways which may be invisible, out of our direct control, and beyond the perceptual limits of human experience,” they write (12).

Their project’s primary outcome was The Listening Wood, a poetic walk on Hampstead heath created by Lovett and a team from the Bartlett Centre for Advanced Spatial Analysis at University College London. The project “invited visitors to slow down and attend to the ancient and veteran trees of Golders Hill Park and the wider Heath, employing IoT technologies and SMS text message to disseminate fragments of digital poetry relating to each of the project trees and the landscape they occupy” (12). The Listening Wood required Lovett to spend time observing, drawing, photographing, and walking under the trees, and with their custodians, the park’s arborists (12). “Stories about the veteran pear tree, the weathered sweet chestnut and the steadfast, ancient oak, told to the researchers by the Head of Trees, David Humphries, and his team profoundly challenged our preconceptions about arboreal lives, shifting the direction of the project and shaping the poetic dimension of the installation,” they write (12). The Listening Wood is not as a completed project but rather “an opening and a provocation to the reader to think about trees—and walking—differently” (12). In the project, they set out “to discover the potential for walking with trees and de-centre human practices of walking and open up to indeterminate and nonhuman ways of being and relating to the world” (12). In particular, they are interested in “how radical walking practices might be informed by and contribute to debates in the environmental posthumanities which seek to re-negotiate the concepts of nature and the human” (12-13).

A central concept to their research is “phoenix growth,” which “can occur when a tree falls or when a storm-damaged tree loses a branch. At the cellular level, the grounded branches send out roots and re-orient themselves as trunks, becoming new trees” (13). The authors consider this growth a form of walking, a redefinition that “calls into question tacit assumptions about what it means to walk, what sort of entities might be able to walk, and what it might mean to take a walk in the woods” (13). They note that forests expand and spread (13). However, “to describe phoenix growth—the movement of an individual tree—as walking implies, if not necessarily purposive motion, then at least something willed. To walk is to be active, to move through the world either under one’s own volition or another’s compulsion. Walking implies, in short, a form of subjectivity” (13).

Different temporalities exist for trees and humans, they continue: we may not register the movement of trees as movement, while our own steps, for trees, “if they register at all, must appear as momentary flickers in arboreal lifetimes” (13). “These differing temporalities make the relationships between trees and humans oblique, the forms of subjectivity that they each might hold for themselves and for each other difficult to imagine,” they write (13). “With human walking and tree walking appearing as incommensurate practices, how might we begin to think of walking with trees?” they ask (13).

They suggest their practice is influenced by “serious engagement with Indigenous North American ontologies and methodologies,” and they cite Stephanie Springgay and Sarah E. Truman’s notion of “walking-with” as “a form of solidarity, unlearning, and critical engagement with situated knowledges” that “demands that we forgo universal claims about how humans and nonhumans experience walking, and consider more-than-human ethics and politics of the material intra-actions of walking research’” (qtd. 13-14). “Walking-with, then, engages with marginalised and erased knowledges to bring about new forms of sociability with the other than human, the nonhuman and the inhuman. It seeks to acknowledge the alterity of human experience and nonexperienced time, to recognise the multiplicity of being and time,” they suggest (14). Walking-with “allows for the recognition of nonhuman entities, including trees, as actors with their own distinct peripatetic practices and experiences of walking” (14). 

They also cite Donna Haraway’s notion of “companion species,” species “which are bonded in ‘significant otherness,’” such as human and dogs, comparing this idea to walking-with, since each “relies on acts of empathy and imagination,” on coming into kinship with nonhuman entities (14). “Making kin is . . . a choice and an act: kin does not only describe a genetic, familial relationship; kin also includes those with whom we choose to make common cause, whose lives are bound up with our own, and to whom we are responsible,” they suggest (14). A number of artists—including Jeremy Hastings, Cathy Turner, and Miranda Whall—“have walked with (and in some cases, walked as) donkeys, elephants, and sheep, respectively to de-centre the human in peripatetic artistic practices. These are modes of walking with (or walking-with) which seek to imagine the significant otherness of humans and animals” (14). It may be challenging to make this imaginative leap for domesticated creatures, like dogs or sheep, and it is much more difficult “to imagine the significant otherness of trees and humans,” but the arborists on Hampstead Heath “are in a process of making kin” with the trees they care for: “In their work the arborists are accountable to human needs: the requirement that the Heath be a place of leisure with enough of a modicum of ‘wildness’ to satisfy the bunkered urbanite; to be safe, to be clean, to be beautiful. But they are also accountable to the trees and the meshwork of biological systems they support and are supported by” (14-15). Balancing those needs is delicate and messy, but those are characteristics of “the substance of making kin, of navigating the threads of accountability entailed in sharing a world with other beings” (15). It is also “a form of work” which “de-sacralises the natural. Rather than a sanctified or transcendent space outside of the human (to which we look for salvation), nature is the ground of human and non-human ‘becoming-with’” (15). “The insights of the arboreal team—of tree subjectivity and tree walking—are gleaned through their unusually intimate knowledge of those trees, developed over many years,” they write (15).

“Tree time stretches out beyond the lifespan of any single human being,” the authors continue. “Human lives and human actions can have drastic effects on the lives of trees, but an individual human (if perceptible at all) barely registers in sylvan sense apparatuses” (15). Although they appear stationary, trees have agency: “As much as we act upon them, they act upon us” (15). They wonder if trees use humans as a way to propagate themselves: “There is an eeriness to this thought: that the agency we think we have over the natural might in fact be a part of patterns larger than we (as individuals, at least) can discern” (16). “If tree time and human time are to become commensurate, it must be as inference patterns, the points of convergence, where the rhythms of tree lives and human lives intersect,” they contend (16). Shakespeare’s Macbeth shows how “[t]races of an enchanted world-view cling to Renaissance culture,” with trees walking, and the Witches acting “as mediators between supernatural entities and the world of people. This is a populated universe in which humans are not the only actors” (18). However, this perspective changed with the Enlightenment, when “the humanist subject was placed at the centre of a modern world emptied of other and multiple selves” (18). 

“The Internet of Things, in making objects speak, re-enchants the world; but technology is often thought of as a distraction and as unwanted in spaces that we choose to delimit as ‘natural,’” the authors state, moving to a description of their specific project (18). “Not only does the digital interpenetrate human relationships to politically exploit and monetise them, there is also a sense in which these technologies are hungry for both attention and time,” they continue. “The all-absorbing pull of the screen is felt to prevent meaningful interaction with the world” (18). This technology is also unsettling, both fleshy (the product of rare-earth minerals, assembled in factories by workers) and ethereal, since radio waves are “undetectable to the human sensorium” (18). It also privileges “the instantaneous over the slow” (19). However, The Listening Wood “used technology to encourage people to walk the Heath and unlock poems with keywords inserted into the landscape. The team tried to repurpose the technology in this way to encourage a reflective, slow engagement with arborial lives” (19). The poetry “became the mediating element between the different material and temporal realities of humans, trees, and technology” (19). According to the authors, 

the poems received by visitors to the Heath were less messages from a particular tree, and more a frequency or channel that could only be tuned to in their presence, through being with each tree, in the same place. The appeal to poetics and chance figured as attempts to resist the conversational tropes typical of “chatbots,” to work with the limitations of the software and lay bare the instrumental nature of the message exchange. (19)

The text messages became metaphors “for much greater and more meaningful forms of human, nonhuman and inhuman interaction. It is in the space given over to the imaginaries of the audiences that the trees and technology were able to enchant one another” (19-20). In the project, “IoT and mobile technologies gesture towards new opportunities for walking and walking-with as means of transcending the limitations of species-being, leading to unexpected encounters and ways of imagining relationships between the human and more-than-human” (20). Vicky Hunter’s “Dancing-Walking with Trees” (21-33) reflects on a tree-sound-walk workshop Hunter led with walking artist Rosie Montford and dancer and dance scholar Leslie Satin in September 2019 (21). The workshop was part of the Museum of Walking’s “Sound-Walk Sunday” programme, organized by Andrew Stuck (21). (The Museum of Walking is an online organization that organizes walking-art events [21].) The workshop “extended the sound walk format to incorporate movement, drawing and dance activities alongside listening as modes of doing and thinking that might bring individuals closer to an awareness of environmental issues” (21). It took place in Chichester, along that city’s “tree trail” route, beginning at the city’s university; participants engaged in “drawing, moving, pausing, and reflecting on experiences, sights and sounds gathered along the way” (21).

“Informed by new materialist theory, I will describe what took place, how we worked and reflect a little on the human-nonhuman intra-actions encountered en route and the potential for this type of walking/dancing/moving practice to invoke human-environment relations in particular ways,” Hunter states (21). She includes the work of Karen Barad, Donna Haraway, Bruno Latour, Stacy Alaimo, Iris Van der Tuin in the term “new materialism” (29), and notes that the term “intra-action” comes from Barad’s work on new materialism and is “a neologism that signifies ‘the mutual constitution of entangled agencies’” (qtd. 21). Intra-action “moves beyond a customary conception of interaction which ‘assumes that there are separate individual agencies that precede their interaction, the notion of intra-action recognizes that distinct agencies do not precede, but rather emerge through, their intra-action’” (qtd. 21-22). 

Hunter wants to think about what this approach might bring to walking arts practices and scholarship (22). “My approach to the walking event and to the research that informed it stems from a form of movement practice that I am calling ‘site-based body practice’ in which different actors, material and entities come together and contribute to an entangled process of ‘becoming-with’ one another in a co-constitutive manner in which,” she states, quoting Donna Haraway, “‘all the players evoke, trigger, and call forth what-and-who-exists’” (qtd. 22). “Exploring how bodies, sites and materials might ‘dialogue’ with one another through the medium of sited dance and movement practice I am concerned with pragmatic questions,” she writes, noting that those questions include “how is the body’s design and function reflected in the environments in which it engages? What synergies of form and function exist?” (22). What would happen “if we prioritise bodily knowing over interpretation and analysis and what might site-based body practice reveal regarding human-environment engagement?” she asks (22).

Hunter has engaged “with a range of sites from urban arterial routes to wide open spaces and watery sites and beaches” through “movement improvisation, broadly defined as spontaneous embodied and kinetic responses to bodily engagement with a range of site-based phenomena and materials” (22). Her practice “explores how material and functional analogies between bodies, structures and materials can be initially explored and subsequently developed beyond the analogous into an embodied realm” and aims “to expose the body’s in-built structures and processes as devices through which intrinsic synergies between bodies, and sides might be illuminated and explored” (22). While she’s not interested in anthropomorphizing nonhuman elements, she is concerned with the parallels that can be drawn and the way “that such alignments and synergies might be worthy of closer inspection” (22). Specifically, she works with movement scores that are “designed to lead participants and myself towards specific intra-actions between bodies and sites”: 

Participants are presented with a score in a specific location that draws their corporeal attention towards particular site elements such as textures, forms, materials, tempos and rhythms. Once a process of tuning-in to the site has commenced, spontaneous movement responses are encouraged to emerge, these might include expressive gestures, pedestrian actions, running, dumping and dancing or stillness. (22-23)

“Walking acts as a partner or collaborator for this type of somatically informed movement practice,” she continues; its familiarity “renders the less commonplace practice of dancing (or moving in an expressive manner) more accessible and potentially less threatening” (23). 

During the Chichester event, walking helped get participants “out and about and away from passive environments and mediatised modes of engaging with the world towards hands on, corporeal engagements with sites and their material components” (23). “Such modes of doing and thinking inevitably involve unscripted and spontaneous encounters with real world phenomena, materials, people and things” and require “improvised responses and openness to being in the moment, whatever that might encompass, from which new discoveries might emerge” (23). Walking doesn’t serve the dancing and movement practice; instead, it’s part of a hybrid (23). The workshop “constantly negotiated the various elements of walking, drawing, moving, talking, listening, and dancing in an entangled state of flow” (23). Participants came from local arts and environmental groups; most were regular walkers but were new to movement practices and the hybrid workshop format (23-24). On the walk, “[t]ransitions between selected trees were conducted in silence to enable the movement, listening and drawing tasks to percolate and resonate with each individual on their own terms” (25). The movement tasks were intended to help participants attend to “the trees’ shape, placement, textures and features,” as well as “to bring about awareness of an embodied sense of self in relation to and emerging from each tree-body encounter from which a sense of co-existence might be proposed” (25). 

Participants responded to the trees they encountered in different ways, drawing a score that recorded those responses, but they also responded to stones and bricks; at the end, they reflected on their experiences, “writing key words, thoughts and reflections on a series fo cards that were collected and subsequently placed within our drawing score employed in the second part of the workshop on campus” (28). “The design of tasks and activities employed in the tree walk drew on new materialist perspectives that challenge us to look closely into entangled human-world relations and consider what the immediately perceived life-world compromises,” Hunter writes (28). This site-based body practice “requires concentration and focus on the intra-action at hand as opposed to the telegraphing of gratuitous expressive gestures or unrelated codified movement vocabulary that bears little relation to the nuances or subtleties of the body-site exchange,” she continues. “Tuning in to the affective vibrancy of the body-site exchange and the emerging moving with its complexity requires careful attunement and attention” (29).

The theories Hunter calls new materialism question “the nature of matter itself, what we perceive and consider as human and non-human matter, what counts and what matters and, through doing so enables the fostering of new ontological dispositions towards the world and worlds at large,” she contends:

From these perspectives, the world, the body and their material actants are equally conceived as materially amorphous, unfinished and always on the move. Trees move, dance and communicate with each other and with the human actors who pass by, pause, linger and engage with tree time and space. This mobile perspective informs my reflection on the body-world intra-actions encountered through site-based body practice and facilitates the articulation of nuanced understandings emerging through the movement explorations born from kinaesthetic and corporeal mattering. (29)

When the workshop participants returned to the university campus, where they moved into a dance studio and tried to reflect on the walk by moving their bodies through a series of exercises: “This part of the event was designed to sediment the walk experience in some way, to imprint the experiential encounters within our embodied memory” (29). The bodies of participants became the event’s archive (29). They used the score they had drawn during the walk “as a device to instigate movement exploration” (30). For Hunter, the transition “from the real-world exploration outside the University campus and into the enclosed environment of the dance studio provided a physical and temporal space in which to process the affects and resonances of the walking practice” (30).

Hunter wonders why such events need to be documented, “why the ephemeral and phenomenological could not be left to lie, to sediment, to permeate and percolate within the body-self of the experiencer who had to physically be there, to attend and tend to the event, to acknowledge the walk itself, and its activities” (31). “The residual nature of this type of experience can only be known from the inside, from the doing and being and that, for me is more than enough,” she suggests (31). However, participants asked to be sent photographs of the event, and she wonders “whether they were prioritising the visual record over the embodied and actually not trusting the corporeal over the ocular” (31-32). That’s a problem, since the workshop and other forms of site-based body practice are “concerned with what dance and movement can do here, how it might bring us closer to environmental phenomena as a form of intervention or extra-daily practice” (32). “How might it encourage us to notice the world around us and gently foster a sense of environmental awareness and ethical responsibility?” Hunter asks (32). She hopes this work “can encourage a form of messy exchange wiht the natural world and embolden us to reach beyond hermetically sealed sensibilities that discourage modes of touching unsanitised textures, surfaces and materials prevalent in both nature spaces and urban environments” (32). By “dueting with trees, plants, textures and materials,” participants engage in “playful, sensuous and haptic exchanges within body-site intra-actions from which temporary worldings are formed,” she concludes. “Through these ephemeral moments of exchange we emerge with new-found knowledge and perhaps appreciation of often overlooked or ignored environmental features. We come to knowledge of other bodies, human and more-than human through their vibrant materiality that moves us, moves with us and shapes our perception of the world” (32).

Cathy Turner’s “Walking with Elephants” (34-44) is, as the title suggests, about walking with elephants. That’s pretty distant from my concerns, but Turner begins with a useful discussion of psychogeography. “Walking art, with its roots in dérive and flâneurie, conceptual art and nature writing, is necessarily self-conscious about the simple activity of walking,” she writes. “It is perhaps indicative of the sedentary and alienated nature of European culture that this everyday action is experienced as redemptive or resistance, as the newly-liberated psychogeographer unpicks the urban fabric [and] reenchants fictionalised spaces” (34). She cites Phil Smith’s 2016 essay “Walking and Subjectivity,” in which he describes walking as an escape “from the spectacular media of late capitalism” but warns of the individualist alure of “disrupted walking” (qtd. 34). In his 2015 essay “Psychogeography Adrift,” though, Christopher Collier wonders about the political efficacy of walking, even group or collective walking practices; the problem, he suggests, “is the tension between the desire to provide ‘structural antagonism’ to Capitalism, while also being situated outside a leftist programme as a negative withdrawal, even a hidden and internalised alternative space” (34-35). “The negative and resistant quality of the dérive is in tension with any form of programmatic political organisation,” Turner continues. Moreover, while the subjective significance of the performative experience is undeniable,” she argues that “the dérive’s self-identification with subjectivity cut loose from societal structures is dependent on illusion, and often on privilege” (35). Class and gender privilege is often implicit in walking practices, as is a geographical bias: “Walking art emphasises the anarchic and disruptive, and has been historically disinclined to make wider reference to labour, care, procession or pilgrimage,” forms of walking that “are present in parts of the world where urban dwellers are so predominantly pedestrians that this status is not significant in itself” (35), such as India, where her research for this chapter took her.

Nor has walking art considered “other creatures who walk with us” (35). This leads to Turner’s main question: “what can be learned from the culturally sanctioned walking that occurs in contexts where mythic and artistic spaces are entwined with others which are more problematic and even oppressive”? (35). Her focus is on elephants, “specifically the walking that occurs in relation to the Vrischikolsavam, and eight-day Hindu festival at the Sree Poornathrayeesa Temple in Tripunithura, Kerala” every November (35). With her research network (researchers from the University of Exeter, UK, and the National Institute of Advanced Studies in Bengaluru, India) she studied the elephants and their keepers involved in the festival (35). The festival involves a procession, twice each day, lasting more than three hours, in which elephants walk, “accompanied by the jubilant music” of more than 200 performers (36). “It would be neo-colonial appropriation to consider this as ‘walking art,’ but there is art in it, and there is walking in it,” she writes (36). 

“This essay proposes that such a festival, drawing on traditions of Asian elephant domestication from 4,500 BCE, and perhaps 600 years of elephants in this temple, demonstrates the way that creative, communal and coercive spaces may be simultaneously produced through walking,” Turner contends:

When spaces of spiritual/artistic practice, spaces of spectacle and everyday spaces overlap to this extent, it is hard to see any aspect of this walking as resistant or radical. On the other hand, we should also note the creative, spiritual and communal expression apparent within such institutional, but extra-daily contexts, and that while their more coercive and exploitative aspects might need to be dismantled, their is much to be learned about spatial transformation, the integration of community and the bond with the non-human, in positive as well as negative senses. (36-37)

She cites Donna Haraway’s discussion of “companion animals” and the relationships between them and humans (37). However, the relationship between humans and elephants is neither stable nor straightforward in the context of this festival: sometimes elephants are considered to be lesser beings, sometimes as equals, and other times as gods that need to be venerated (37). For instance, during the festival, one elephant carries the effigy of the Vishnu in circles around the temple (38). “What does it mean, to circumambulate?” Turner asks. “This is not the A to B walking of purpose, nor the deliberate evasion of purpose that is the dérive, nor the sustained walking of pilgrimage, though closes to that” (38). Instead, it is a revolving of the world around the god (38).

“The festival itself is this practice writ large—more elephants, more music, a slower pace, a more relentless and ecstatic obligation,” she continues. “Slowly the elephants move in the temple precincts. Slowly the crowd backs with them. And slowly, such slow walking and its unaccommodating music produces the temple as world” (38). While the meaning of the event is likely lost on the elephants, the practice is shared, “a practice in which the command to process is unavoidable, for both human and companion animal, albeit differently obligated” (38). What the elephants make of the event is not known; whether they enjoy the music or not; there have been instances of elephants running amok, although some elephants seem to enjoy being looked at fed sugar cane (38-39). “Despite this, there was consensus in our interviews that ‘the elephant would not choose the festival.’” she notes. “That there is restraint and tolerance is, perhaps, all one can really ask of a god” (39). 

Restraint is different, however, from being restrained, and often elephants are treated cruelly and exploited; measures to reduce the cruel treatment of these animals have had unwanted results—for instance, transporting the animals by truck is stressful for them (39)“Given such scenarios, one could view the Keralan festival parade as a simulation, merely a procession of captives where wounds are disguised and backstage areas hidden,” she states. “This could be described as a commercialised space of spectacular show, where a festival equals profit to the detriment of elephants and mahouts alike” (40). On the other hand, improvements to the treatment of elephants have been made, even if they are insufficient (40). In addition, the “mahout-elephant relationship, when sustained and developed over years, is remarkable as a familial bond, often as great or greater than that of the same-species family, and taking more of the mahout’s time” (41). Before elephants travelled by truck, for instance, mahouts and elephants walked together, and trust between them developed (41).

“The spaces that seem to be emerging through this festival-related walking include: a practiced space of restrained otherness in the walk around a sanctum; a spectacular, staged, commercialised parade space of hidden pain and occasional cruelty; a social street spaace where co-personhood and trust can exist,” Turner writes (42). These spaces are simultaneous, not separate, but co-existent, “partially entangled and convergent with one another”: “The artistic (musical) component blurs, on the one hand, int ritual, and on the other, into the everyday, while also contributing to the spectacle (in all senses). To adapt any one of these spaces, or these modes of walking, or the artistry of each, is to adapt them all, and that must be done with the care of a surgeon, whose cut endangers the whole body” (42). This entanglement makes attempts to reduce cruelty difficult: “The challenge is to unpick and subvert objectifying and commodifying practices, while understanding the knock-on impact on delicate naturecultures, and not to presuppose an ideal state of unsullied wildness, or that innocent humanity can be obtained by restoring all elephants to wild forests, and retraining the mahouts” (42). That restoration is not feasible, and it would lead to losses of “creativity, knowledge, community and even the inter-relationship between species. It would be contemptuous not to listen to all those involved, including paying close attention to the elephants” (43). Turner cites Arjun Appadurai in her conclusion: “To return to walking art, this example demonstrates what Appadurai describes as ‘the production of locality,’ entailing the ‘imaginary work’ of ‘ordinary persons’” (qtd. 43). “If we are serious about re-imagining our world through walking art and psychogeography, we must take account of the ways in which it is already walked, creatively, recognising the performative significance of walking even in conservative settings,” she writes. “Spectacular spaces are entangled with communal ones. We are entangled with others, human or otherwise. These entanglements are the products of inescapable histories and political realities.” These entanglements mean that there “is no independent, quasi-heroic walking. Therein lies both our tragedy and our opportunity for acknowledging the multiplicity and paradoxes of walking, by seeking mutual understanding and collectively-realised alternatives” (43).

I remember Iain Biggs’s paper at the conference, and his chapter, “Walking away? From Deep mapping to mutual accompaniment” (63-74), suggests the idea of deep mapping as a model for the walks I have been making (or at least that I made last summer). Biggs is interested in listening to “those whispered and marginalised voices that only join us in conversations that would otherwise be made impossible, or else drowned out, by the strident demands of categorical analysis” (63). Such listening, in non-Western cultures, “constitutes a psychosocial or spiritual practice,” understood as “a walking with the ancestors” or “with the dead” (63). “This ‘somewhere-else’ is significant here as the ground onto which those of us who are drawn to multi-directional and other open walking practices are likely to stray; through psycho-geography, mytho-archaeology, deep mapping, or any related performative practice,” he suggests (63-64).

Biggs notes that his presentation started with Hugo Ball’s decision to walk away from Dada over the ambitions of Tristan Tzara and Francis Picabia to turn it into an art movement (64). He describes their position as “radical nihilism, pandering simultaneously to the most toxic and most trivialising aspects of the culture of possessive nihilism,” which Ball rejected because he “believed in the ultimate unity of all beings and the totality of all things,” along with “the need to live with the dissonances and contradictions that follow from that belief” (64). Biggs argues that his involvement “in a walking-based, open, deep-mapping relates to Ball’s concerns in two ways”: “Firstly, open deep mapping requires adopting ways of working that lead one towards that sense of unity and totality by, ironically, working with the particular dissonances and contradictions inherent in a particular place or region. Secondly, as indicated, it requires putting distance between yourself and the assumptions that underpin the whole complex machinery of the art world” (64-65). 

In 1999, Biggs began a 14-year-long “open deep mapping project” about Belfast, one “that follows one of the tributaries of trauma that fed into that city’s fear and anger” by engaging with “the long-standing Anglo-Scottish Border culture of endemic violence later exported to Ireland” (65). That project took him to Scot’s Dyke along the English-Scottish border (65), a site of terrible violence in the 16th century (65-66). “By excavating and contrasting narratives focused here and elsewhere along the Borders, I cold uncover a deeply engrained legacy of anger, trauma and fear,” he writes (66). He wants to think about “the consequences of the large-scale denial of the undertow of violence and trauma that haunts so much of a land viewed through rose-tinted or heroic lenses,” a denial with “very real sociopolitical consequences, not least by sustaining the status-quo in terms of the ownership and usage of land” (66). The work of Robert Macfarlane, and of nature writing in general, participate in that nostalgia and sense of heroic individualism, he contends (66), and he insists on “the need to keep in view the violence and trauma that haunt the land” (67). 

“The most critical point here, however, is open deep mapping’s distancing itself from the culture of possessive individualism,” Biggs continues. “Something achieved by setting aside the assumptions that flow from the monolithic, heroic ego, redressing the Cartesian splitting of self from other, mind from body, the perceptual from the imaginal, the material from the spiritual” (67). “Open deep mapping enacts, that is, a desire to embrace and celebrate an ensemble self. A self that is aware of its own multiplicity and that of the multiverse to which it finds its various selves or persona related at every level” (67). In addition,

Open deep mapping is fundamentally peripatetic, grounded by a walking, listening body getting to know a place in as many dimensions as possible. It’s also, of necessity, intellectually peripatetic, wandering freely across disciplinary and conceptual borders in order to ask unexpected and unorthodox questions in spaces-in-between. Its practitioners also tend to be psychically peripatetic—to resist any long-term identification with any single genre or praxis by accepting the necessity to regularly “move house.” (67)

Biggs sees deep mapping “as a walking-with a multitude of voices of both the living and dead; a walking-with that animates differently a particular place or, increasingly, set of relationships between places. A walking-with that’s alert to voices that dominant narratives have forgotten, marginalized or repressed. Alert to them so as to re-articulate their pressing and unanswered questions in the here-and-now” (67). 

Biggs cites the work of Mike Pearson, especially his collaboration with Michael Shanks, Theatre/Archaeology (2001) as a powerful influence on his deep-mapping practice (68), which brings together photographs, text, and maps (69). The maps he creates are attempts “to address and visualise, by analogy, the cognitive dissonance I experienced as an academic/artist/researcher with a walking-based practice and as a carer for someone too ill to walk more than a few paces” (68)—his daughter (70). That work emphasizes “the need, in open deep mapping, for lateral thinking, for looking for connections where they’re not expected—some would say don’t exist” (70); it comes from “listening to a range of narratives—of power, fear, loss, and anger—and to their counter-narratives” (70). “Those engaged in critically alert, psychosocially engaged, ensemble practices like open deep mapping must act nimbly while moving in many dimensions if they’re to avoid being co-opted by the disciplinary status quo for its own instrumental ends. Ends that always threaten to water down or undermine its primary concerns,” he argues (70). In addition, he suggests that deep mapping educates us “in what Bruno Latour calls Terrestrial politics,” that it teaches us “that a place, region or country is not exclusive, nor is it differentiated by closing itself off”; instead, deep mapping enacts “Edward S. Carey’s claim that places, despite their frequently settled appearance, are in effect essays in experimental living that are undertaken within the context of a constantly changing culture” (71). Deep mapping demonstrates “why Terrestrial co-habitation requires us to think the global through our embodied engagement with specific places. Places experienced as inclusiveas opening themselves up to multiple, diverse, sometimes contradictory, relationships, attachments and connections” (71).

Open deep mapping is “a multidirectional activity involving observing, listening, walking, conversing, writing, exchanging, selecting, reflecting, naming, generating, digitizing, interweaving, offering and inviting” (71). However, he fears deep mapping is becoming a discipline, the opposite of what he wants it to be, and so he wonders if he ought to walk away from deep mapping if it becomes “reduced to supporting mechanisms for a conceptually driven worldview caught up in serving the culture of possessive individualism” (73). Nevertheless, if deep mapping instead contributes “to ensemble practices predicated on mutual accompaniment,” then it is worth preserving (73). “Open deep mapping has led e to see the desire to ‘mutually accompany’ others as helping to make that commitment possible”—a commitment to Hugo Ball’s belief in “the unity and totality of all things,” which would call on us to “find new ways to live with the sometimes-overwhelming dissonances and difficulties that flow from any such commitment” (73).

In “Web Walking (75-82), Helen Billinghurst and Phil Smith propose a new strategy, Web Walking (75)—it’s a manifesto, I think, describing and calling forth a new practice. They begin by reflecting a long walk they took, from Plymouth to Dunstable, a town west of Luton, along the Icknield Way (75)—one of the walks discussed in their subsequent book, The Pattern. “We are on an adventure we have spun out from a labyrinth in Plymouth to a web that stretches as far as Cardiff and, the other way, to Cambridge,” they write (75). Is this a form of mythogeography? An extension of mythogeography? It’s clearly related to mythogeography, because they have been noticing details along the way, particularly details with mythological or occult associations (75) and developing “a way, a collective and convivial way, without dogma, to access certain things, often old things—patterns, values, objects, connections, desires—and throw them forward into the future” (75).

Web walking incorporates performance and collective engagement, it seems: “Through a practice we’ve come to call ‘Web Walking’ we want to map such affordances in privileged points such as Ashwell and a Glastonbury spring we bathed in or at the Uffington white horse where we imagined a ceremony of red on white, while volunteers crushed chalk and a red kite hovered over our heads,” they recall. “We want to avoid separating off the explicit nodes that still connect us to a certain ‘magical mode’ and reconnect them to a wider pattern that includes the places where capitalism is bottoming out” (75). One such place is Dunstable, and they describe the lack of vitality in that town in vivid terms (75-76). “From Plymouth to Cambridge we have seen and felt the same sadness, isolation and division,” they write. “We have picked our way through smack dens to heritage sites and along needle strewn paths in woodland. We have watched the harried looks on people’s faces, trespassed into the pits ripped out by mining companies and ceremonialised in the killing fields where the last wild wolves were slaughtered” (76). In the face of longstanding and accelerating epistemic, economic, and ecological crises—“of populism and authoritarianism, failing globalism, misinformation and digital invasion, misogyny, fundamentalist reaction and species extinction”—they “want to propose a new emphasis for walking” (76).

“Changing the default mode of our ‘drifts’ from solo walks or group wanders focused on affect and ambience, to make walks of conviviality and togetherness for a collective world building,” they continue: 

Dérives based on experiencing are vulnerable to apocalyptic thrills and the consumerist charms of the eerie; to go beyond the affect, we want to repurpose psychogeographical walking as a means of connectivity, not just with each other and the past, but with the future and with the unhuman. We call this “Web Walking.” Putting hyper-sensitised walking at the heart of a multi-modal practice that fires out threads and routes and lines of communication to form webs, which in turn, attach themselves to a wider Pattern. (76)

“Web Walking starts with a familiar site-specificity, with attention to materials, to scuzz and grime and soil, to the plastic in our gut,” they continue. “We need to love that fucked-upness, if we’re going to do anything about it. Like good Butoh dancers, get our noses in the mud; moving from the grot to re-enchantment without dogma; unearthing the signal within the signal in the abject landscape” (77). “These hidden signals, curled up in tiny dimensions within consensus reality, are messages through time from when life was in a so-called ‘magical mode,’” they write. “We want to understand them, then throw them forward as a challenge to futuristic techno-exterminism’s claim to be the only possible and inevitable future” (77).

Billinghurst and Smith desire to “make art that unveils patterns that shift through different planes. To be sparing in our use of representations, but rigorous in our specificity to the qualities of found materials, and enthusiastic for diagrams that show relations” (77). Their tangible art work—representations of the webs they discover?—takes shape across disciplines: “actions, drawing, painting, written and spoken word and installations, drawing threads together into a web, which we then throw out to others—to other people, to other things, to other webs” (77). For instance, their “Plymouth Labyrinth” project used the story of Ariadne and her red thread “to investigate the way a city weaves together” (77). They wrote poems and made paintings; dancers created site-specific performances (77-78). Elsewhere, later on, they added white thread “and entangled these two colour codes, asking walkers to walk between the blood red hunting lines of desire and the bony deathliness of the white,” because between these extremes “there is a connectivity in the moment of crisis” (78). “By letting things have their own life, and their own death, we saw them combine and fix themselves in different webs, flows and diagrams”—and this was the beginning of Web Walking (78). 

During their walks, they found “wolf packs, hidden forests, arks, giants, and the Syrian founder of Albion” at old mines and new suburbs (78)—a description that sounds not unlike mythogeography. They connect to mythos and stories of place “by skulking around in places where few people care to go, or care about. And listening to what we are told there. And we talk endlessly—about the walk, the places, we share memories, theories, and fictions . . . and we are silent . . .” (78). “We inhabit stories as we walk, we put ourselves into fantastic or futuristic narratives that challenge the fixity of where and when and what we are” (79), and so Web Walking mixes together fiction and nonfiction, imagination and the reality of what is there, without drawing those boundaries (79). “We walk, we connect, we spin yarns,” they state. “With feet on the ground and eyes open, through observations and encounters with people, animals and unhuman things, we construct complex models of how things connect ecologically, socially and economically” (79).

Donna Haraway’s work is an inspiration for Web Walking, which is an embodied form of thinking (79). Billinghurst and Smith worked on a long-term walking project throughout 2019 (79). “In this spirit of connectivity, we invited all the people we walked and workshopped with to send us a postcard with a drawing or a poem or whatever, and then in the exhibition we used the corridor of the gallery to link its different rooms with long threads to which we attached the over one hundred postcards we received,” they write, describing the Plymouth Labyrinth exhibition (I think) (80). “We drew from the myths and images that had stepped forward during our walking to create a red room with a scrying mirror, like the body of a spider, from which legs of silken thread worked around the room and escaped through the window to join another web on a roof top. Ariadne had been joined by Arachne” (80). The stories, images, ideas, and theories constituted a web: “Threads from which we then span out across more of the country—walking to Cambridge, Dunstable, Glastonbury, Cardiff, Ashwell, Bristol, Exeter, Wells, Scilly Isles, Avebury, Cheddar, Draycott, and so on, extending the lines of our wandering, each time connecting to more and more threads, and drawing them together to make new webs” (81).

All of this a preview of their new book, The Pattern, which they hope people will use “to connect their own threads to the threads of others, to make their own pantheons and fire out their own lines of desire and flight, to connect one web to another” (81). That new book “is very much a practical handbook,” but it also describes “moving warily towards something we have chosen to call ‘the pattern,’ a tattooing of the land that we have found to be far more intense, connected and intricate than is generally acknowledged” (81). The magical mode of Web Walking “is the life of connectivity—of human and unhuman—pre-dating any division between subject and object in culture, pre-dating human exceptionalism. A mode in which an increase in being free is done, paradoxically, by entanglement with other forces so that agency is magnified by connection” (81). 

Smith and Billinghurst believe “network of ‘privileged points’—places where there was an especially intense exchange and entanglement of ancient humans with their cosmos, where this entanglement was compacted and landmarked for repeated use,” exists, and that neolithic sites, holy wells, and contemporary places of ritual or connection are examples of such sites (81-82). They state, “we are threading together old and contemporary ‘privileged points’ as lines in a larger pattern, a map of a future that is alternative to the mode of the present one” (82). “This pattern is experienced most intensely at sites that were once foundational to the magical mode; but we can add to them, because the old places were never just human constructions, but also natural and random affordances,” they write (82). The network that connects these sites “is like a spider’s legs without a single organising body, like an orrery without a sun in the centre; it constitutes a way of reverencing things without the need for dogma. A way to live and walk in hyper-connectivity as well as hyper-sensitivity; a way to learn how to live with the plastic in our guts alongside excited invasive species” (82). They are searching for “a connective and immersive ‘mode,’ slipping the binaries of human and unhuman, self and cosmos, me and you” (82). They don’t expect Web Walking to solve the problems of cruelty, desire, or community, but like the myths and fairy tales that describe those problems, they “seek a mode that rubs thin the subjective-objective and self-world distinctions. Which makes the route the agent of the walk; makes a stranger just as responsible for a place as the residents, makes the crow our partner and our witness, makes the squid an ideal and an ecstasy, makes the world a web in which we are always in loco parentis and always children” (82). 

In “How do our bodies act as instruments of sensory navigation? A study through ‘shared acts of sensing’” (99-112), Emma Bush states that she is interested “in using performance walking to invite the senses to become more alert to ‘thing power,’ the unceasing motion and responsiveness inherent in objects including those usually considered inert or dead” (99). Her recent works “place ‘shared acts of sensing’ in a central role with a shift towards a more participatory embodied way-finding” (99). She began a research group, “warm-up,” in 2017, to explore “embodied approaches to place, and extended modes of sensing by using a variety of methods”; up to a dozen people from a variety of disciplinary backgrounds gather together for day-long events (100). That led to Night Walk, “an ongoing project which offers an opportunity to experience ‘shared acts of sensing’ on a coastal walk to Elberry Cove, Brixham. Through a gentle play of communal experience, we arrive together in this place at night-time, using our bodies as sensory instruments to navigate the darkness and to notice what is already there” (100).

Bush cites Linda Hurcombe’s contention that the traditionally defined five senses miss the fact that the sensory system is holistic, “‘where sensations perceived by one mechanism act as cues for the receipt of other sensations and where inter-sensoriality is recognised” (qtd. 101). “Shared acts of sensing” is her term describing “collective acts of looking, listening and more broadly the orientation and perception of the senses. Focusing on particular ways of framing communal observation these are performance acts aimed towards a radical permeability, offering insight into embodied encounters between ‘self’ and ‘other’” (101). “I am interested in making time for ‘arts of noticing’ through direct material sensory experience and framing this participation as central to the life of an artwork,” she writes (101). The “embodied trans-sensual fluidity proposed here in attending to matter, the body and sensation” will encourage the senses to combine into a web (101). The purpose of this paper is to define the term “shared acts of sensing” (101).

“I work with an approach that creates pockets of time, or spaciousness, and potentially frees us from our habitual patterns of observation—using tools from performance, including non-linear story-telling, gesture, and repetition to guide attention and to make an invitation,” she contends (102). Stasis, rather than movement, is part of this practice: “To stand still and simply look at the sky, a snowdrop, or a stone wall for five, ten or fifty minutes is an unusual act. To do this looking, really looking—especially in a group, is something we don’t often do, perhaps because we do not have time or capacity, perhaps because we are so often lost in thought and a large part of our lives is now constantly screened or mediated by technologies” (102). In this way, her practice “is concerned with making spaces for intimate encounters with materiality, meeting points between self and other, in a way that relies on sensual lived experience and remembering how to refine our receptivity” (102).

Bush explains “shared acts of sensing” in a series of points (103). First, she emphasizes “sensory contact with materials and thus a direct ‘lived experience’ of materiality” (103). The collective observation and attention “will be guided by a clearly marked temporal and spatial frame” (103). The observation will be performed by a group of people in the same place, at the same time, doing the same task (103). Most of the experiences of observation will take place outdoors (103). “Language will operate through instruction or score as a mode of storytelling, priming or guiding aimed at inviting participants to particular spaces of collective encounter,” she continues. “The language used will be a blend of fact and fiction and will suggest, emphasise, and frame notions on which the continuity of the walk lies” (103). The “shared acts of sensing” will reacquaint participants “with familiar territory by re-examining our experience of place and our relationship with our surroundings” (103). They will also “alter our experience of time” through practices such as slow walking “and thus could be viewed as techniques for time travel” (103). The practice leaves space “for the un-known or in-expressible element” of the experience (103). Part of the encounter she seeks to facilitate  “cannot be pinned down or tamed into a definition” (104).

Bush acknowledges that it’s good to be skeptical “about just how much of these activities is shared and who with,” and that converting such experiences into language “is obviously flawed,” although still valuable (104). The sharing of experience “does not imply an equivalence of experience—what we notice and how we notice it will vary and those differences in what draws or attracts our attention are revealing” (104). “A shared sense of time opening up or slowing down can create space in which sensory attention is given room to notice small details or events; the constant flux of change about and within us is given the opportunity to arise,” she states. “Shared acts of sensing can give rise to a space in which our perception is invited to slow down, to look anew without preconceptions and indeed to attempt to see ‘as if for the first time’” (104). 

Bush cites Henri Bergson’s notion of pure perception—an impossible attempt to get close to a spontaneity of vision or sensory perception; it is impossible “because we come with our histories, memories, our ‘life-worlds,’ placing a filter, between us and all that we meet, or come into contact with” (104-05). Her suggestions for looking at a flower, for instance, suggest not naming or categorizing the plant (as a nettle, in her example) but merely taking time to look closely at the plant, to “[h]old it, smell it, touch it, listen to it,” to “let the object and the information it contains present itself to you. Notice varied colours, shades, lines, textures, markings” (105). “We look and we look again, we draw the details, try to describe in words, we listen with our touch and our eyes, then we use a hand lens to magnify the details 10 times more. We let the information come to us, present itself and wash over us,” she states. “Going out like hunters, we try to become more porous and open to our more-than human selves” (106). Her performance training plays a role in sensitizing her to sensory data (106): “This mode of observation offers insights from the viewpoint of a world in which agency is more evenly distributed allowing for an approach which acknowledges networked processes of perception which can reside in, deflect from and be triggered by ‘object’ and further encourages a decentralising of the object/subject dualism” (106). She also wonders whether “sensory observations might guide us to consider our individual selves as multiple, our bodies as collectives” (108).

The “serious play” she engages in has rules: 

A group of human bodies will be organised and placed into a considered formation—with a chosen distance setting them apart, in a chosen position e.g. standing, sitting or lying down. The intended formation provides a tension or a resistance for the activity, a set and setting outside our habitual experience, functioning a design which holds and gathers the experience. This modelling provides a formality or a disciplined structure and for some participants is part of a strengthening framework which may bring a more relaxed merging into the activity and/or a frustration or resistance. The tension perhaps exists in the pull between the orderliness and constraint of formality alongside the (sometimes) welcome relief offered in moments through a movement towards stillness and a listening to all that is sounding in silence. (108-09)

Shared acts of sensing enable the creation of a temporary community through shared intention (109). Shifting from the language of sensation to verbal language through “the overarching framework of the walks”: using storytelling, instruction, rhythm, and atmosphere to guide “each participant deliberately back towards somatic experience through cues which foreground sensation, touch and materiality” (109-10). Framing and experiencing these events as live performances “offers heightened focus internally and this operates in connection with the affect or ‘idea’ of being witnessed,” which acts as a “crystallising of presence, giving heightened intensity to the shared activity” (110). “We may consider shared acts of sensing as artworks in their own right, although small scale interventions they are also offered as acts for the ‘environment’ (field, city, garden, town square) in which we are co-present fully aware of the possibility of the reciprocal gaze. In this regard ‘performing’ plays provocatively with the notion of reciprocity or exchange across human or non-human actors,” Bush concludes. “Shared acts of sensing can give a sense of temporary community, solidarity, or shared common ground which heightens focus and gives rise to an expansive sense of belonging with the matter of the world” (111).

In “The Sight of the Walker” (137-49), William Sharpe also examines the senses—in particular, senses other than vision:

When art is made from the action of walking, the sight of the walking, in a double sense, is often a focal point. What does the sighted walker see—conceptually, visually, in terms of both insight and/or eyesight—and what does an audience see—again conceptually, visually—when it looks at a walker walking? And is this visual information overvalued? Or could the sight of a walker change a life? (137)

While visual representations of walking “can be compellingly beautiful,” they are incomplete: “Because the ever-altering engagement of body, mind, and environment necessitates a hopelessly complex imagining of interior and external stimuli just to evoke the sensation of taking a few steps, images cannot convey the totality of the walk” or of the walker (138). “The spectator must fill in what’s absent, an act that creates the pleasure and frustration of viewing walking images” (138). No doubt that is true of images of any human activity, for that matter. A representation never includes everything; it always leaves things out.

Sharpe argues that, “[f]or millennia, images of walkers have played a central role in representational art,” but that in “contemporary walking art, art that regards the act of walking as artistic in itself,” the concern has been with the “immateriality” of walking: “Each step vanishes as the next one comes into being. One cannot grasp the totality of a walk from a single point of view or a single point in time and, as Hamish Fulton asserts, one cannot erase the line made by a walk” (138). Are “visual artifacts generated by the walk . . . incidental or integral to the art-walk ‘itself’”? he asks (138). “Does the ‘art’ reside in the walk, the walker, or the documentation?” (138). 

Sharpe is also concerned “about ocular-centrism, about the inadequacy and selectiveness of visual images, have led many walk-makers to focus on senses other than sight”: sound walks, tactile walks, unsighted walks, smell walks, memory walks (138). He contends that “the sight of the walker, what the walker sees, has been an incessant subject of writing about walking since ancient times” (139). “If there is a new movement in visualising walking, it must find its way amid the push-and-pull of current theories and practices, where sight and the other senses jostle for attention,” he argues. “Critiqued or admired or puzzled over, visual images and encounters continue to play a vital role in walking art. . . . This is particularly true in the case of artists who want to make more visible two interconnected groups of ‘watched walkers,’ the disabled and the surveilled” (139).

Next, Sharpe establishes a genealogy of walking art: it begins with the Surrealists and Situationists, but emerges as a form in the 1960s along with conceptual art, performance art, land art, and “new definitions of sculpture that not only required involvement from the spectator but also interacted with natural and human-made environments in site-specific ways” (139). “In a world cluttered with lasting masterpieces, the process-oriented art of happenings and performances sought to create something spatially ephemeral and ecologically advanced, works that might take up just a moment in time and only the space needed to hold an idea,” he suggests (139). “Walking art offers its proponents a choice: do I make my body visible in this work, as a painter might, so that my audience may have a sight of the walker, or shall I shape my work in such a way that the audience, perhaps as participant, sees something else?” (139). These questions not unlike those Blake Morris asks in his definition of walking as an artistic medium (Morris).

Sharpe notes that walking is an everyday activity, and so walking art “defamiliarises the world we know. The artist imposes an unusual, thought-provoking itinerary or bodily constraint or underlying conception that signals difference, that marks the walk as art, not life” (140). The act of documenting a walk “forms part of the estrangement” (140). Documentation is also part of walking art’s genealogy: 

Immaterial though it may be, walking art emerged in part from the actions of artists tied by training to a visual arts tradition, one that produces objects to look at, from gallery-ready textworks or photos and films, to retrieved objects, casual drawings, and illustrated books, that artists employ to record the passage of their bodies through time and space. Whether art walks are done privately or presented as public performances, material traces and pictorial images of them convey part of the artistic experience, but never its entirety. In an art of process, an art involving mind, body, and landscape, the image will never be enough. It will always be suggestive rather than complete. (140)

Images or other forms of documentary representation tend to act as placeholders or “evocations of actions now completed or that may never have had an audience” (140). “In contrast to the unseen ‘heroic’ efforts” of Richard Long and Hamish Fulton, who made “arresting images from unwitnessed walks,” other artists “with a performance orientation enacted striking works that produced indelible images,” showing “that it’s not the length of the walk but the strength of the idea animating it that counts in making provocative, illuminating art. A strong alliance between concept and image has been essential to their success” (140). He offers Marina Abramović and Ulay’s The Lovers (Great Wall Walk) (1988), Francis Alÿs’s Sometimes Making Something Leads to Nothing (1997), and Mona Hatoum’s Performance Still—Roadworks (1985-1995) as examples (140-41), along with Hamish Fulton’s slowalks (141). “Given the staying power of certain images, these documented sightings of creative walkers may, for all their shortcomings, actually have more political, social, and/or aesthetic impact than the ‘real’ walks they have emerged from,” he writes (141).

However, in the last two decades “a growing number of practitioners have argued that walking art needs to challenge ocular-centrism, to pay less attention to objects that can be visually consumed without engaging other senses” (141). Those artists “seek to explore a body intermeshed with the landscape and with other people,” and the resulting “emphasis on walking as a collective, activist form of art,” along with “less certainty about the value of tying the meaning of the art walk to representative images,” has led to “a de-centring of the image, through a greater emphasis on haptics, sound, memory, and orality” (141). This “corrective, anti-ocular position” is necessary, but it “does not sufficiently recognise the somatics of looking,” the way that the seeing eye “activates the rest of the body’s senses,” such as “kinaesthetic empathy, an effect that can produce physical sensations of fear, desire, revulsion, anger, sorrow, and so on” (141-42). 

“Today more than ever, the sight of the walker is related to the words that surround or appear in the image, since walking images rarely circulate without language to sustain them,” Sharpe continues. “Psychogeography, which could be said to bridge the perceived gap between sight and sense, is a heavily textual mode of walking art, since its rambles seem most amenable to documenting in semi-novelistic form, most saliently in the work of Iain Sinclair” (142). Of course, so many proponents of psychogeography reject the literary form of that practice that Sinclair’s work represents. In any case, psychogeography, while it claims to be about feeling, “is often directed by sight since that sense operates over longer distances and pulls the walker toward far-off enticements” (142). Reinventions of the dérive, such as Phil Smith’s mythogeography, “delight in visual discoveries, ripples in the space-time of history, community, and physical situatedness” (142). “Smith’s walks present themselves to the audience as a series of unanticipated discoveries of texture, feeling, thought, and organic matter that are notated visually with a quirky eye for detail but that, in their post-walk presentation, are most eloquently elaborated in texts whose sinuousity mirrors the twists and turns of mind and body through a space densely packed with material encounters,” he notes (142). Smith writes that the various kinds of documentation of walks is designed to encourage others to engage in exploratory walking as well, rather than to be marketable commodities (143); and yet, Sharpe suggests, “even a shared walk needs company; it does not communicate its artistry by itself” (143). In other words, a walk requires other media to communicate its structuring design (143).

“The walking medium is not monolithic: it can touch, smell, taste, and hear, engaging time and space and its own thoughts,” Sharpe continues. “Visuality forms an inevitable part of this communication, as walkers see, while others see them, and the camera eye, human-pointed or fixed in a surveillance stare, sees both. Whether it is ‘captured’ ‘only’ in memory, or whether is is represented in various media, the walk is ‘seen’ on many levels” (144). “Two kinds of walking art—disability art and surveillance art—are concerned with new movements in a literal way as they question the meaning of public space”—they are concerned with a desire “to make their subject matter visible, and visibly felt” (144). As examples of disability art, he includes Carmen Papalia’s Blind Field Shuttle (2010-), Noëmi Lakmaier’s short film One Morning in May (2012). In addition, he considers William Pope.L’s performance The Great White Way, 22 Miles, 9 years, 1 Street (2001-2009), which “makes visual in an indelible way the ‘out-of-placeness’ and paradoxical invisibility of black people in America,” to be a metaphorical example of disability art (144-45). “The flip side of being overlooked and yet pushed from public life by being stared at when entering it, is being constantly monitored and silently recorded,” he continues (145), citing as examples of one form of surveillance art projects that use GPS tracking systems, such as Jeremy Hunt’s My Ghost (Sixteen Years of Mapping My Life in London With GPS) (2016) and Jen Southern and Jen Hamilton’s Running Stitch (2006) (145). “But these are technologies that walkers use,” he notes.” What of technologies that use walkers, often without their permission, either to entertain them or to point out their vulnerability to darker devices?” (145). “Like disability art, surveillance art seeks to turn the tables, to make visible the repressive gazes that threaten watched people, bringing those gazes into fuller human contact with the spectator” (145): his list of surveillance art includes Christian Moeller’s Nosy (2006), Camille Utterback’s Abundance (2007), Marie Sester’s Access (2003), Dries Depoorter’s Jaywalking (2016) (146). In addition, Jill Magid’s Trust (2004) connected disability and surveillance: she walked through Liverpool with her eyes closed, guided by a surveillance camera operator (146). 

Cameras and watchers “subvert one of walking’s most heralded attributes”: the notion of solitary walking as self-discovery, as a space of freedom from imposed social roles, as in the writing of Jean-Jacques Rousseau (147): “Today’s Rousseau must assemble instead an array of defamiliarising techniques, an artistic wardrobe of masks and disguises, to get free of a gaze that presumes to know all the walker’s secrets” (147). “Where walking’s new movement will lead, as we step into a future invisible to us, is anyone’s guess. It may be that an ever-more feeling form of walking perception will thrive in the coming years,” Sharpe concludes “But touchingly or remotely, the art of walking will have to deal with the fraught and ever-shifting sight of the walker” (148).

Hamish Fulton’s “Words From Walks” ([167]-[82]) is a description of his walking practice, in the form of a lengthy work of text art, a leaflet ([167]). It offers “a few points regarding my general outlook” ([167]). “Walking art is the bringing together / of two entirely separate activities,” he writes ([169]). “I transform ideas / into physical experiences. My self-imposed rule is: / If I do not walk I cannot make any art” ([169]). Thus, he continues, “I am an artist who walks, not a walker who makes art. / Not every artist enjoys walking / and not every walker is tolerant of contemporary art” ([169]). Fulton distinguishes between walking and art: “An ‘artwork’ may be purchased, / but my walks / cannot be sold or stolen” ([169]). He recognizes that not everyone is physically able to walk ([169]). Fulton also notes that he makes a variety of walks—that they are diverse in length, terrain, duration ([170]), and that he also engages in solo and shared walks, which build experiences rather than objects ([170]).

Some of Fulton’s text reminds me of the distinction Morris draws between walking as an artistic medium and walking as a prelude to work in other media: “I walk on the land, not in the ‘landscape.’ / I do not take walks, I make walks. / ‘Walk texts’ are about past events. / Walking ‘in the moment,’ / is walking now. // AN OBJECT CANNOT COMPETE WITH AN EXPERIENCE. / A completed walk is like an invisible object” ([170]). “Walking Is The Constant The Art Medium Is The Variable,” Fulton continues ([170]). His text works are made “exclusively / from walks that I have personally experienced” ([171]). He sees his text works as narratives: “Make a walk, write a text, read it to an audience. / By word of mouth. The spoken word. Oral history. / Memory is selective. / The retelling of stories. / A good story well told. / Verbal interpretations for the meaning of visual symbols. / Picture writing. Sign language” ([171]). In any case, as far as his practice is concerned, “A walk may exist purely as a walk, / but my ‘artwork’ / cannot be created without the walk” ([172]). “An Artwork Cannot Re-present The Experience Of A Walk,” he notes, acknowledging Sharpe’s critique as a reality ([172]). He also seems to anticipate Morris’s argument: “Walking Art. / Neither of these two words / specify an art medium, / thereby suggesting openness and potential / for anyone. // The separation of experience and object.” ([172]).

Fulton advocates walking without a smartphone ([173]): “Walking / is the interconnected experience / for a wide spectrum of possibilities, disciplines and research” ([173]). All of his walks are woven together through his invisible footsteps ([174]). In 1973, he “made the single most important decision” of his creative life: “To Make Art Resulting Only / From The Experience Of Individual Walks” ([175]). He rejects the label “Land Artist” ([178]): “LAND ART CONTRADICTS WALKING ART” ([178]). I’m not surprised by that rejection; Richard Long also eschews the label “land art.” 

Towards the end of his leaflet Fulton returns to the division between experience and representation: “An Object Cannot Compete With An Experience” ([178]). “When I say that ‘the walk is the art,’ / I simply mean / that ‘the walk’ / is my contribution to contemporary art,” he concludes ([181]). Indeed, he is a pioneer, and his work is important, even though many contemporary practitioners reject the notion of solo or durational walks altogether.

In “Walking-with whiteness: story carriers, affect aliens and reluctant heritage” (204-13), Richard S. White/Walknow begins by acknowledging his embodied privilege: “Engaging critically with walking practices as an able-bodied white English man, I recognise that for me race, gender and ability are as embodied and normalised as walking” (204). Throughout the chapter, he cites Garnette Cadogan’s essay “Walking While Black” as “a reality check on the unspoken privilege bound up in my experience of walking as a white man” (206). White’s practice is both political and corporeal: “Questioning the normalisation of injustice through the immanence and instability of walking is the wobbly corporeal foundation of my creative practice” (204). This paper describes “an iteration of a walking-with approach [to walking] through a short case study of a project I hosted in Bath, ‘Sweet Waters,’ ‘sense-ing’ legacies of slave-ownership. I consider how a walking arts engagement with heritage might attend to whiteness and the normalisation of privilege” (204).

Sweet Waters was a series of participatory performance walks in Bath and along the River Avon. The focus of those walks was the ongoing effect of slavery on Bath: 

The cycle of walks involved durational and location-specific interventions generating affective responses, curated to disrupt and question official heritage accounts. Whereas in Bristol the slave trade and the ownership of captured and enslaved Africans has become part of a contested sense of place, in Bath, although manifested in the Georgian architecture, these past injustices are seen as unconnected and happening elsewhere. (205)

That history “forms part of what I describe as a ‘reluctant’ heritage, a heritage that is painful or shameful, in which something of the past has become obscured or hidden in the present” (205). He is exploring “a walking, questioning, doing, process attending to that reluctance and in this context specifically addressing issues of racialisation and whiteness” (205-06). White wants to move “beyond passive embodiment towards considering gaze and power, and the agency of matter” (206-07).

During Sweet Water, walkers “were invited to become agents in a slow reveal of the seductive normalisation of white supremacy as a legacy of slavery and slave-ownership” (207). For instance, they walked to a tower above Bath, funded and used by slave-owner William Beckford; the source of Beckford’s fortune has been glossed over—but it came from sugar plantations in Jamaica (207). The walks “passed the former residencies of slave-owners and the remains of mills where goods were made for the ‘Africa Trade,’ we walked along the river to Bristol where those goods were loaded on the slave trading ships” (207). Along the way, “curated provocations”—“readings from archives and contemporary statements from slave-owners”—were presented; participants were invited to share their thoughts in writing and on social media; each walk began with introductions and “an attunement exercise alerting the senses, engaging attention and focusing thoughts” and ended with “a group sharing” (207). 

“In this walking and questioning approach, the developing somatic sensibility and its ethical context, an iteration of walking-with emerges,” White suggests (207). He describes Springgay and Truman’s notion of “walking-with”: “Walking-with is an ethical practice of building solidarity, respecting dignity, valuing the contributions of all, in this way of knowing walking becomes an immanent practice, a speculative act of somatic questioning, attending critically to shared and embodied experience” (208). He describes what walking-with was like during the Sweet Water walks (208-09). The walks “involved walking Bath’s iconic crescents and promenades, stopping and delivering a gentleman’s visiting card at residencies of former slave-owners” and “short performances listing the plantations, numbers of enslaved people owned and compensation paid out” (209). “Fellow walkers on the ‘Sweet Waters’ walks were engaged through walking networks, artists networking and a local natural history festival, most were white, many were local; although not all were middle aged the demographic was perhaps typical for a walking festival,” he recalls. “This was my intended audience as it is this demographic who in some way have internalised the values of, and often embody, white privilege” (210).

Those walks are emblematic of his artistic practice: “At the core of my practice is an interest in registers of walking and an exploration of tactics that provoke involuntary thought. I curate experiences of temporal and spatial dissonance into a walk seeking to generate empathetic responses. I use somatic attunements and such factors as duration, distance and pace to generate alertness and sensitivity” (210). He cites Sara Ahmed’s contention that “historical injustice does not fade over time”—that “the injustice of slave-ownership,” for instance, “manifests today as normalised white privilege. Injustice lives on if we don’t address it, in order to begin the repair work and bring about change we must make the return” (211). The “dissonant juxtaposition” of “an enforced migration with a walk for pleasure in a city and countryside inscribed with the wealth of slave-ownership was an act of making the return” (210-11). For Ahmed, forgetting “is an act of complicity to the persistence of injustice” (211). White is interested in “the possibility of walkers becoming heritage affect aliens empowered to ask difficult questions of a reluctant heritage, to interrogate the silence” (211).

The Sweet Water walks also stirred white discomfort and fragility (211): “At times it felt like we had hit on the raw nerve of reluctance, especially with regard to slavery and the issue of white superiority” (211). “Walking-with in this context developed an embodied experience of confidence and solidarity towards countering white fragility, eroding reluctance to engage critically with this particular heritage narrative,” he suggests (211). Participants became storytellers, 

breaking the ‘dead silence’ of Bath. A supportive space for questioning heritage and responding to the instances of white fragility . . . was established. In this way, through new insights and ways of seeing, walkers took ownership of the story, generating affective attachments to a new co-created heritage narrative. The silence was broken, however temporarily, and the story of the walk and the spirit of questioning is shared, networked again and again. (211-12)

In this way, White concludes, Sweet Waters “was an opening towards a somatic creative activism manifesting new ways of attending to whiteness and revealing privilege” (212). He suggests that “walking-with may offer a non-confrontational embodied approach to addressing other ‘wicked’ problems and complex social justice issues” (212). “At a time of deep dislocation and as an ugly romance with empire and white supremacy emerges,” he states, “I believe that collective and somatic acts of making the return to past injustice are vital precursors to the social repair needed for a just and sustainable future” (212).

Sarah Harper, in “The Meaning and Importance of Refusals: is walking as accessible as we think?” (214-24), reflects on La Grande Traversée, a participatory walking art project in northern France. While she considers a success, she wants to think about “the limitations of the practice, looking at where it failed to engage, why that matters, and what could be learned from it. I will ask whether walking as a participatory art practice can be racially exclusive, and what value we could give to its refusal” (214). She notes that contemporary French culture “puts a high value on participation, and as artists, we can tend to be complicit with that demand, without necessarily addressing whose interests that participation might serve” (214). Nevertheless, refusal to participate is both inevitable and useful—for those who refuse, that is (214-15):

I’d like to focus on the value on non-participation, looking at some of those who did not walk and why, and in doing so re-assess the comparative cultural value of everyday activities, by which I mean what people are already doing before an artist turns up to invite them to go for a long walk, collectively, in the name of social cohesion. Exploring this act of walking together, walking through, and walking past, through the lens of refusal, I will focus on those for whom walking was problematic: physically, psychologically, culturally or for religions reasons, as well as those too angry with the economic desert they were born into to participate in celebrating a major aspect of their heritage with any kind of collective action. (215)

Those who refused to participate in the project are, in this account, more important than those who did, and they suggest the limits of participatory walking as a practice. Harper notes that she takes walking for granted; she starts all participatory projects with walking, “in a slow immersion process,” walking to meet people and explore place (215). “But when does walking, walking past or walking through, become an exclusive rather than an inclusive activity, reinforcing a community of sameness, of like-ness, reserved for those who are financially able, or who have the cultural or social capital which puts pleasure, sport, well-being, or risk-taking easily within reach?” she asks (215). 

The purpose of La Grande Traversée was “to be a cultural strategy to re-activate links between populations who, due to poverty and unemployment, are highly sedentary, many rarely venturing out of their neighbourhoods, let alone their towns. It was to reframe participants’ lived experience with the territory, and re-infuse contested or disaffected sites with expressions of story, history or ownership” (215). However, celebrating the mining heritage of an area which has suffered devastating unemployment difficult, as was “proposing a walking project within a culture of limited mobility” (216). The area is dotted with “ex-mining estates,” built for miners, and since the mines closed in the 1990s, the remnants of the mines—buildings, slag heaps, lift shafts, pitheads—were left to rot or demolished, until ecotourism initiatives turned the railway tracks to the mine sites into cycle paths, “the slag heaps into havens for biodiversity and walking or mountain bike trails, and caved in the underground pit tunnels to create lakes for watersports” (216). As a result, the area is “a walker’s paradise, but social relics of 19th-century patriarchy mean that, after generations of being provided for (and controlled), initiative is lacking on mining estates and people find it hard to do things outside their comfort zones. Many families are third-generation unemployed and have never known a working family member” (216). That unemployment has caused a sharp rise in passive activities—watching television—along with alcoholism and suicide (216). 

The project Harper curated involved walking for pleasure, which “might be an exclusive activity”: problems of length (twelve kilometres at first, but as she searched for an appealing route, it became longer) (217). Also, because “the project’s numerous institutional partners proved only half committed to the idea of an artist exploring ‘the poetics of the everyday,’” they  “wanted to bring this Great Crossing past their expensive new arts centre, or renovated town hall” (217). This meant that the “poetics of the everyday”—“the subtle, poetic rediscovery of sidestreets, corner cafés or unsung front-gardens”—was “sacrificed to tourism and municipal pride, as the route lengthened again . . . to nineteen kilometres” (217). That was too long for an area with the highest obesity rates in France, so to make it easier for people to participate, she included travelling from site to site by tram “into the walk’s protocol,” but the fares were too expensive for “the large, low-income families we particularly sought to engage” and the tram company refused to provide free tickets (217). I would also suggest that a lack of appropriate walking shoes or boots would have been a barrier.

“For each community group I worked with, the decision to walk or not was usually based on the group’s physical capacity to walk far,” Harper recalls. “Groups who opted out on these grounds were invited to be ‘hosts’ along the route, harnessing their existing cultural activities to punctuate the walk with performance” (218). “For the walkers, these theatrical interventions served to revive flagging energies,” she states. “The guide-maps in their hands became visible signs of belonging to this ephemeral community of adventurers, an invitation echoed in the local myths or stories that hosting residents confided to them, or in the soundscapes whispered from trees or letterboxes along the way” (218).

Nevertheless, some groups were excluded: people who spoke little or no French, who spoke Arabic or Kabyle instead—women from Algeria in particular, whose “daily routines were largely restricted to their flats” and a community centre, a group for whom going to another town or taking a tram was unimaginable (218-19). “The project’s focus was too wide to be meaningful for them, their isolation too great, and yet their industry was a key part of the region’s history that would remain unembodied and silent,” she acknowledges (219). “Another group excluded themselves in reaction to their experience of exclusion from society’s workforce”: young, unemployed, third-generation North African immigrants (219). “Faced with their rage, a celebratory walk seemed an inappropriate suggestion”—after all, their grandfathers were miners (219). Instead of walking, those youth made a film, with a rap they created as its soundtrack (219). A third group “that found themselves excluded” was a collective of North African women, who wanted to participate but found it difficult because the walk took place during Ramadan, a time when the daily fast would make walking 20 kilometres difficult (220). The organizers would not move the date of the walk to a day after Ramadan. 

“Care and reparation are central to the relational aesthetic,” and in an aesthetic of care, as James Thompson suggests, decisions about accessibility are “crucial ethical propositions” (qtd. 220-21). However, in Harper’s compliance with the funding and hosting agencies, 

little space was made for those for whom walking out of their neighbourhood was physically or mentally impossible, nor for those whose experience of the territory was one of anger, or rejection, nor for those who would be celebrating Ramadan at the time. With an assumption that “walking together” would be an accessible and cohesive act, the project ultimately appealed to white working families, with social and physical mobility, for whom the weekend could be devoted to leisure, or those whose memories or family ties still rendered the, now historical, mining heritage meaningful. (221)

Those who refused to walk were made invisible (221). What was the value of their refusal? Harper wonders (221). The groups that did not participate had good reasons for not engaging in the project (221). 

“In conclusion, it seems important to ask whether the act of walking is itself racially exclusionary?” she asks (221): “I cannot avoid the reflection that the three groups, whose refusals I have examined, were made up almost entirely of people of North African descent. And looking back over the hundreds of photos that were taken that day, of the walk and its participants, I can see two faces of colour; the vast majority of the 450 walkers were white” (221-22). Therefore, “this act of walking was racially divisional, through racism deeply embedded into the region’s history” (222). In other words, the walk produced exclusion (222). For all three of the excluded groups, “the unfamiliar act of walking a long way, in a group for pleasure, surrounded by others they did not know, with whom there was to be some undefined inter-action, would have needed mediating, accompanying or adapting” (222). 

Harper examines other walking events that were either seen as for whites alone, or where participation by people of colour seemed strange and unusual (222): “The history of the black body so painfully linked to walking under duress, and the contemporary black body still economically bound to walking by necessity continues in non-urban contexts to make it unusual or difficult to imagine black families walking out of choice” (223). She also notes that the participants in the Plymouth conference were mostly white and middle class and older: “The thing about walking is that it is, in theory, so accessible. Anyone can do it. But if its afficionados are so distinctly lacking in diversity, it begs the question, has walking become, or remained, a white practice, something elitist, potentially exclusionary, belonging to the last century?” (223). I’m not at all surprised by this recognition, but at the same time, I don’t think walking is a practice that’s open to everyone, even though, in theory, most people are capable of doing it. In the city where I live, for instance, very few people walk; everyone drives. To suggest walking for pleasure—outside of one route around or near the lake in the large park at the centre of the city—would be considered strange. Is the problem that some people are not engaged by participatory walking-art events, or is the problem the belief that everyone is or should be called to walk? Or does the problem Harper identifies consist of both of those questions?

“It used to feel, a few decades ago, radical, or counter-cultural to reclaim the streets with our feet,” Harper concludes. “To stay relevant, we have to hope that as a movement it embraces, and is embraced by, diverse artists for a diverse public” (223). In the end, she argues against her own practice, “recognising non-participation in order to highlight inbuilt conscious or unconscious bias, and systemic contradictions of intent” (223). People who refuse to walk “are doing something else that has value” and “walking may not be as accessible as we think” (223). So, when people refuse to participate we need to consider “an ecology of mutual doings and beings” (quoting Anna Harpin and Helen Nicholson) by “acknowledging the implications of how participation is recognised and by whom” (223). 

In “Access Denied? Walking Art and Disabled People” (225-34), Morag Rose picks up on the question of accessibility. She begins by celebrating the conference as “a gathering of kin”: people who believe “that the ordinary can be transformed and our footsteps can be creative” (225). “However, too often I find myself asking awkward questions about whether I am going to be excluded in subtle (and not so subtle) ways because of how my body works,” she writes. “As a disabled person will I have to ask about access?” (225). Would she be the “conference crank,” a figure not unlike Sara Ahmed’s “feminist killjoy,” “the participant whose awkward questions create the space to discuss who, and what, is being overlooked or marginalised” (225). After the conference, she was left with “a lingering unease” (225). She wants walking artists “to make a few small changes to ensure their work is welcoming to all” (225-26).

Rose discusses the Loiterers Resistance Movement, which she co-founded in 2006: a psychogeographical collective whose manifesto states, “Our city is wonderful and made for more than shopping. The streets belong to everyone and we want to reclaim them for play and revolutionary fun” (qtd. 226). However, her walking, because of her disability, “has always been problematic and contradictory,” and while there “is still pain, and tiredness, and falls,” she also experiences “stubbornness, joy and a deep sense of gratitude” (227). “I haven’t really spoken or written much about being an artist whose chosen medium is my nemesis because I didn’t want to, and I was too busy with other things,” she confesses: 

Trying to reconcile this paradox, without making myself a spectacle, a superhero or an object of pity, has often felt hard and not something I wanted to give time to. My broken feet are not the most interesting thing about me, and having always lived with pain I don’t really want to give it more energy. A truth: chronic illness is boring, really boring. Also exhausting, expensive and dull. Pain is painful. (227)

“I want to encourage walking artists to think about how we can recognise the needs and experience of disabled people and find ways to open up our work,” she states (228). She notes that the archetype of the walker is male, but also “able bodied, wealthy, heteronormative, urbane and white,” all things that need to be addressed collectively (228). “Improving access and valuing different bodies takes effort and means encountering uncomfortable truths,” she states (228). For instance, she realized, at the conference, that she rarely engages with the work of other artists, because she is afraid she will ruin it—because of the way she walks, because of her disability, which is not included in the walks’ designs. 

Rose includes a note she posted on the Walking Artists Network after the conference, asking walking artists to think about how to include disabled people in their work. But her post did more than that: “Please can we all try and be explicit, and honest, about who is welcome and able to participate in our work. It can be really difficult to find out access information for many venues and events, and this labour should not have to fall on our audience” (229). Her description of her experience is, frankly, a shock: “on several occasions I have found myself literally left behind during performance walks because the pace was too fast and nobody noticed or the terrain became very hard to navigate and this was not made clear from the off. I’m sure this is oversight rather than design, but it is, to put it mildly, unfair and unpleasant” (229). In fact, she writes, “I have become reluctant to attend events unless it is clear disabled people are welcome—because I assume otherwise there will be an uncomfortable struggle and my body will be constructed as a problem for others. I will not apologise for my pace or my body. This is, amongst many other things, exhausting and unfair” (229).

I am not saying all our walks must be for everybody, this is clearly inappropriate and I have no desire to censor fast or long or physically arduous walks,” she continues. I also recognise the environment we live in is disabling in many ways and we may not always have the power to choose or change a venue” (229-30). Nevertheless, accessibility information needs to be added to publicity, and walk organizers need “to think about whether there are changes we can make that would enable more people to join in or access our work in other ways if they cannot physically be there” (230). Also, walking artists must “be respectful of our audiences and reflexive to their needs. I don’t ever want anyone else to be left behind, abandoned or excluded by creative walking due to someone else’s thoughtlessness and/or bad planning” (230). Rose wants the term “walking art” to be expanded, in order to be as exclusive as possible: “My belief is that if we are making something enchanted out of the everyday it should be for everyone and ‘walking’ can, should, must include sticks, wheels, orthotics and other enabling technologies” (230). 

The response to the post was “overwhelmingly positive” but she was also “shocked . . . to realise the social model of disability is not integral to many peoples’ understanding of prejudice and exclusion” (230). She posted a follow-up, describing her original message as “a call for kindness, thoughtfulness and respect for the needs of different bodies” (231). “The most important thing is to be honest, open, and to listen. Ask people what their access needs are because they know much better than you do,” she wrote (231). She called for the development of a compilation of resources on access “and amplifying/celebrating the work of disabled walking artists” (232); that is under development, and she welcomes contributions from people with a variety of disabilities (232). “I will continue to work with others to make Walking Art as accessible, diverse, challenging and creative as possible,” she writes. “The social model of disability teaches us that the environment is disabling and we face massive structural issues. This does not give us an excuse to not be caring, kind and self-reflexive” (232-33).

Rose ends with three walking projects she finds inspiring: first, Sue Porter and Dee Heddon’s work in the “Walking Interconnections: performing conversations on sustainability” project (2017), which “challenged the lack of disabled peoples’ voices in debates around environmental sustainability”; Carmen Papalia’s Mobility Device, where he replaces his white cane with a marching band; and Alec Findlay’s Day of Access (2019) which called on landed estates to open their lands to walkers (233). “We are all walking in a world that can be hostile to many and where disabled people are too often marginalised, ignored or discriminated against. I urge everyone reading this to pause and think about how we can challenge ourselves to make things better,” she states (233). Walking with others is “a way to take and hold space, building connections and creating communities as we do so. The question I am asking is who are you willing to make space for? Please do not leave any walker behind” (233).

In “The Documentary Drift: Lutyens, Cockington and Poetry” (242-54), Sam Kemp describes his intention to write a collection of poetry, influenced by Phil Smith’s book about a mythogeographical journey across South Devon, exploring “the pastoral contradictions of Cockington, a heritage village in the south west of England,” but when he encountered a collection of letters by the architect Sir Edwin Lutyens (1869-1944), “the village soon became a fantastical theatre where his questions of language, craft and beauty could unravel” (242). “In this essay I’ll highlight the role that walking played in a bleeding together of a documentary and geographical landscape,” he writes (242).

At the beginning of the project, Kemp walked around the village at different times of day, different routes, different conditions, taking notes (242). “I was interested in multiplicities, how the village cold be both a pastoral retreat and a complicated mash up of commodified rural tropes,” he recalls (243). He has a personal connection to the village: his family runs the gift shop (243). “Simply walking the village as a visitor was a new experience. Up until then, it had always been a place of tension,” he states (243). These complications suggest that it is a “mythogeographical hub,” and he drew inspiration from Smith’s writing on Cockington (244):“Cockington is a complicated place, seemingly still stumbling for a precise role”: a tourism destination that presents a façade of the local and traditional (244). However, he found lots of evidence that “punctures Cockington’s commodified pastoral”: rough sleepers, struggling businesses, death, a “stifled utopia under the car park,” “bizarre finds that don’t fit anywhere” (245). It seemed like he was engaged in a mythogeography of place.

“Yet the more I delved into Smith’s practice and writings, the more I realised I was refusing to allow myself to drift. It was all going too well,” Kemp writes (245). Mythogeography “poses more questions than answers, and I had only been searching for answers. After a year or so of walking the village I had amassed piles of poems, most of them reports on my walks that I had attempted to tie together into a narrative. But the poems were predictable, more critiques than personal accounts” (245). There wasn’t enough theatre in what he was doing: “I wasn’t fully drifting around the village, and so I couldn’t fully drift on the page” (245). “I have struggled with the relationship between walking and writing,” he admits. “The poetry needed to be something more than just a narrative report of my drifts, yet I wanted the loose ethos of the drift to influence the page. My attempts at writing up my walking felt too calculated, almost too easy” (245). When I read those words, I thought of my own manuscript, and wondered whether it came too easily as well, whether it is superficial or rigid. 

Walking with strangers to the village helped: it “began to open up rather than be closed down with critique” (245). “I stopped searching and theorising and began to see the beauty in the place, even the beauty in its contradictions,” he states (245-46). The village became “a haunted yet progressive landscape, a place of genuine beauty disguised by a façade of itself. In short, it unravelled into a place I no longer recognised or understood” (246). Then Lutyens, “my deceased co-conspirator,” arrived: “Lutyens’ constant striving towards a perfect sense of beauty became a catalyst for questions of craft and led to my experiments with visual and sonic page-based drift that were influenced by, but free from, the wonders and limitations of Cockington Village” (246-47). Kemp began writing about a village that was “a palimpsest of past and future Cockingtons,” which exists only in language (247). “In the poems Lut is a complex construction, both hopeful and defeated, reborn and weighted, witty and inarticulate, contradictions spurned from glimpses of his historical character,” he states (248). Kemp’s drifts “took on a documentary landscape,” but Lutyens’s papers are “riddled with complications and confusions” (249). 

The fragmentation of Lutyens’s life, as discovered in the archival material, was not unlike his walks through Cockington: “The disparate nature of the archives forces you to drift across time, leaping through papers that may bear little relation to one another. There is no singular narrative, just as Cockington was a weave of competing places layering and re-laying a sense of place, the archives were the scattered odds and ends of stories” (250). The archival material “became a lens by which to re-construct Cockington Valley, its topography and cultural histories, but also its future”:

Each poem is a gathering of splinters, curated for form a landscape around Lut, a figurehead for the hopes, dreams and disappointments invested in the land. I wanted a sense of a drift through place and space, the latter being that of the documentary fragments of the archives. Walking and stumbling across multiplicities began the project and eventually extended to the page, with the process of researching and writing the village being a narrative that runs alongside the more tangible written and experienced histories. It was important to engage with that multiplicity, to sneak in, but, at the same time, confuse my presence as author. The poems would not just be showing up different sides of this village, but they would form a village of themselves, a new Cockington made up of fragments of sources. (253)

“It was only by letting go of the village in the first place and allowing myself to be led, both by the living and the dead, that I was able to experience its multiplicities,” Kemp concludes. “The act of walking, moving forward with no definite destination, both through a geography and an archive, reminded me that the fragments of time and place are in constant motion. The past is unsettled by our traipsing through it, splintering off into that all-important future” (253).

Hilary Ramsden and Clare Qualmann, in “Chip Walks” (266-74), present an account of an ongoing artwork, Chip Walk, which began as a project by walkwalkwalk and developed into a mapping of every chip shop in a specific area of east London (266-67). “As we walked and ate and mapped the chip shops—talking to the owners and the people who worked in them along the way—we began to consider the shifting food map of the area as an indicator of the gentrification that was then in its early stages,” they write (267). That project developed into a convivial walk, a tour of the area’s chip shops that “involved participants in discussions about food, what we want to eat, where and when” (268), which led to a chapter in Qualmann’s 2015 book, co-edited with Claire Hind, Ways to Wander (268). 

This is where Ramsden comes in: her walking, and her theatrical practice of clowning, “both involve interruptions—of assumptions and expectations, of logic and habit, of seriousness and play and everyday movement and all these elements are linked” (268). For Ramsden, 

the Chip Walk is a further interruption in an intentional everyday kind of walk and one that brings together people around a common purpose, buying and eating food; and noticing and perhaps discussing in some depth the surrounding environment might happen almost as an aside, in a deceptively easy and simply way. In this way the chips might be considered almost a playful misdirection, in magician’s terms, where other issues emerge almost by change, through incidental conversations, imaginings, local knowledge, the re-surfacing of memories and the periodic attention to surroundings at the Chip Walk moves on. (268)

In 2018, Ramsden walked with Blake Morris in his rewalking of Chip Walk, part of a project in which he walked every walk in Ways to Wander (268-69). That walk took place on her birthday, but it felt irresponsible, given that she knew refugees in Greece were walking long distances for food (269). So Ramsden decided to walk a different kind of Chip Walk: she organized one on the island of Lesvos, which would start at a refugee camp and end with a free meal (270). The event met with enthusiasm from NGO workers and refugees from all over the world (271): 

The walk gave each of us a chance to walk and talk with different people, at different paces and at different levels of engagement. Some people were already friends, some worked together, had become friends in the camp or had crossed the sea together. All wanted to engage in conversations and discussions—many about family, about their situation in the camp, about their desires and dreams for the future—where they wanted to be and what they wanted to be doing; not living in the camp and not being sent back to where they had fled from. (271)

It was a creation of what Grant Kester calls dialogic art, in which “socio-political relationships” are the raw materials (271). “We continue to conduct further iterations of this convivial and participatory art work.” they write (271). Some of those walks have raised money to support a nonprofit that feeds refugees on Lesvos (272).

“What further Chip Walks on Lesvos point to is the creation of a longer, continued story—not only of personal stories from the people in the camps but the creation of dialogue with others—in other places on Lesvos, beyond, to mainland Greece, to other countries and peoples in Europe where there is the potential to raise awareness and money, as well as to fight for justice through the legal systems for people seeking asylum and fleeing oppression,” they continue (272). People who“are lucky enough to be able to walk to the local chip shop to get food with money that we are privileged to earn easily must be able and willing to contribute time, money and energy to fight bureaucracy, to resist complacency and to go beyond our fear of the other in order to assist in making it easier for people to flee oppression and injustice and to live with respect and hope” (273). “The Chip Walk enables us to interrogate the commonalities of circumstances (people gathering together for simple, everyday activities of walking, eating and talking) and of disparities that exist in these worlds apart—between incomes, accessibility to work and housing, in addition to issues of gentrification, sustainable building and urban planning,” they conclude. “The two main contexts that we have practised this work in[,] Lesvos and Hackney, are worlds apart, yet the action of walking and eating and talking, following a score for an artwork, creates in each location a temporary community” (274). The repetition of these walks “enables us as walk artivists to consider the similarities and differences between walks” (274). That repetition is “a way of making sense of patterns of culture” and it “enables us to look askance at our processes and methods, refining, re-interrogating our practices, in exchange with others” (274).

The last chapter I’m going to discuss in this summary is Anna Sanders-Falcini, “Chasing Mists: walking to scent and sense the atmosphere of the Hoo Peninsula” (290-301). “Do places have atmospheres and if so, how do they manifest themselves?” she asks (290). She has been “chasing the atmosphere of the Hoo Peninsula”—a place on the edge of the Thames and Medway rivers in North Kent—“for many years” (290). This place “offers a particularly dense, rich and variable source fo information from which to explore the question of whether and how a distinct atmosphere exists and can be defined in a specific location,” she writes. “The variability of the landscape, of large open agricultural spaces, ruins, industry, redundant nuclear bunkers and its shoreline amongst other features, presents a range of atmospheric conditions. In any one of these places, the phenomenon is present fluctuating between degrees of a subtle or more overt nature” (290). When experienced cumulatively, the “separate incidents of atmosphere” become “an overall, singular phenomenon that is powerful and potent. This nebulous force of atmosphere is complex in its geographical context alone, and the problem of making manifest any research findings led me to the act of walking through a psychogeographic methodology” (290).

“In order to experience the atmosphere and to be receptive to it, I have immersed myself in the landscape,” Sanders-Falcini continues. “Walking therefore, has been at the core of this investigation, and as a female psychogeographic explorer, walking has articulated (as my body speaking to me) of how the atmosphere can be evidenced: through its geography, archaeological matter, botany and, more abstractly, through its mapping, as well as elusive and ephemeral materials such as mists and memories” (290-91). She’s particularly interested in smells and scents (291). She has put together a collection of found objects—“forgotten and disregarded matter”—from the Hoo Peninsula as well (291). She calls this collection “The Archive of the Atmosphere” (291-92). Those objects “have become the focus of a series of performances, where, as Louisa Cornford”—a character she has created, an amateur Edwardian archaeologist—I have performed the archive” (292). One of those performances took place at the conference, although I missed it (292).

Some of Sanders-Falcini’s comments are oddly related to walking in Saskatchewan:

Walking entails staying at ground level and because of the flatness of the land in the peninsula, this results in a constant perspective with few degrees of variants. In one sense this encumbers the walker and the flatness literally flattens the experience. This is not to imply that the experience is unrewarding but that the figure is perpendicular to the ground and in being so, she feels the atmosphere at this axis. (293)

“At this level, I am in close contact with elements that might trigger any of my receptors: smell, hearing, taste, sight and touch,” she writes (293). As an example of taste, she harvested rosehips and made syrup from them, taking a teaspoon every day (294). 

Her practice also addresses gender issues. When she first began drifting in the Hoo Peninsula, she “settled into a rhythm of wanderings that continued over a period of years. Entangled were the shadows of an embodied position, vulnerability and female mobility. It was imperative that I walk alone, for to walk with others, though useful, was an unnecessary distraction” (296). She was aware that women walking alone in an isolated place is considered dangerous: “the narrative to this fear is the real suppression of women walking alone and particularly at night that had been historically been enforced by the policing of spaces in the Victorian period and earlier” (296-97). “What I began to understand and experience was that the atmosphere in the Hoo Peninsula was activated by my encounters with it through my solitary position as a female in the landscape,” she tells us (297). Being a woman walking is a form of “covert infiltration of the landscape” (298).

Sanders-Falcini identifies atmosphere through intangible feelings, as well as tangible maps and diagrams (297-98). Walking in the Hoo Peninsula led to research of “its dark histories (prison hulks and disease, for example)” which she could feel through walking before she carried out that research (298). Her research led her “towards the more inhospitable areas of the peninsula” (299), such as the Isle of Grain, an area scarred by industrial activity with a dense atmosphere, where buildings leaked “the ghosts of past histories and lives” (299).

“This article is a glimpse of a larger body of research where I have sought to identify the phenomenon of atmosphere present in the Hoo Peninsula. In this research, I have investigated atmosphere as a phenomenon of ‘feelings in the air,’ that one senses in connection to a specific place, in this case, the North Kent marshes in the peninsula,” she concludes (299-300). “The atmosphere I argue, is present and like a figure lingering in the background appearing to haunt the place. It is palpable. The atmosphere appears both as an all-enveloping phenomenon and as a more intimate, series of phenomena that are localised” (300). This research “has led to the finding that the Hoo Peninsula’s atmosphere is uniquely characteristic, attributable to its location and is experienced only in this location” (300). “Walking led to a cognitive mapping of the atmosphere and through a wayfaring rhizomatic movement I wandered over the marshland through a series of routes that revealed the portals of atmosphere” (300): she uncovered “qualities of atmosphere” through “the objective nature of the landscape” but also places where her body, in a phenomenological way, “sensed the acute atmosphere” (300):

In order to be receptive to it, the feelings of displacement and immobilisation were triggered when I first encountered the Hoo Peninsula as a young woman and these continued to be provoked on subsequent visits to the landscape. The body had to be in a position to absorb thee sources of atmosphere and it was only when I repeatedly absorb these sources of atmosphere and it was only when I repeatedly entered this situation that it began to operate in this intermediary space, becoming inextricably intertwined. (300)

Finally, she reminds us that atmosphere is felt through the senses: taste, smell, and sound; through “the weather, the tides, the ground” (300).

Walking Bodies: Papers, Provocations, Actions from Walking’s New Movements, the Conference tells me two contradictory things. The first is that there are many walking artists, mostly in the UK, whose work is not dissimilar to mine. But the other is that my practice, which has been based (partly out of pandemic necessity and partly by choice) in solo walks, is probably considered outmoded or retrograde by many of my peers. I would argue that those walking artists who reject solo or durational walking probably don’t understand the very different context of walking in Saskatchewan, or the difficulty and danger walking here can present—or the difficulty in establishing a participatory, convivial walking practice in a place where very few people consider walking as part of their lives. Perhaps that’s just defensive on my part, or perhaps the prescriptive undertone I sense in some writing about walking art rubs me the wrong way. I’m not sure. The book also reaffirms the goal I came back from the conference with: to read about the new materialism or assemblage theory or whatever it’s called (the same authors and texts seem to be described in different ways), so that I can communicate with my peers. In any case, I’m happy I finally got around to reading this book. I’m going to carry on reading about walking art. I’m not sure what my next book will be, but it won’t be hard to find one to read, since I have bookshelves filled with them now. 

Work Cited

Billinghurst, Helen, Claire Hind, and Phil Smith, editors. Walking Bodies: Papers, Provocations, Actions from Walking’s New Movements, the Conference, Triarchy Press, 2020.

Morris, Blake. Walking Networks: The Development of an Artistic Medium, Rowman and Littlefield, 2020.

Blake Morris, Walking Networks: The Development of an Artistic Medium

Blake Morris’s Walking Networks: The Development of an Artistic Medium, is an important book on walking as an artistic medium. Based on his PhD thesis, it’s also incredibly expensive and not available in my university’s library, so I had to purchase a very expensive and unpaginated e-book; the lack of pagination explains why the citations in this summary are strange. To cite the book in my exegesis, I might have to buy a physical copy of the book. I hope that’s not going to be the case. Perhaps my institution’s interlibrary loans people will be able to help me. Perhaps not; libraries themselves tend to buy e-books these days.

Morris begins with a walking exercise that relies on the production of a memory palace. He asks his readers to leave all maps behind and walk somewhere: “When you’ve arrived at your destination, decide what you want to remember about your walk and transform it into a memory image—the more absurd the better” (“Preamble”). That image doesn’t have to be purely visual—could be a sound or a smell (“Preamble”). “Imagine your memory image somewhere in the landscape,” he writes. “Commit the newly transformed area to memory. This is the first addition to your Memory Palace for the Medium of Walking” (“Preamble”). 

The memory palace, or “method of loci,” is an ancient Greek memory technique: “To create a memory palace, one chooses a specific place and imagines vivid symbolic images throughout it. The more absurd the image, the easier it is to recall. To retrieve the memories, one imagines walking through the space and looking at the different images” (“Prologue”). Morris’s own art practice involves walking, and he documents his walks through this memory palace technique (“Prologue”). According to Morris, his discovery of the memory palace was not a solitary one; rather, he writes, “a network of friends and collaborators helped me to discover the technique and its application to the artistic medium of walking” (“Prologue”). This emphasis on networks of walkers from a variety of disciplines is, as the title of the book suggests, central to his book’s argument.

Morris has created memory palace walks in New York, San Francisco, Fresno, London, and Wales—not during solo walks, but during walks with participants (“Prologue”). “Each memory palace records a different set of walks, sites, circumstances, and collaborations, activated through walking and imagining together,” he writes. “Through this practice I link memory to place and engage audiences in creative re-imaginings of the landscape. Unlike an object created in response to a walk, a memory palace has to be imagined, and each participant manifests the images differently depending on their individual interpretations” (“Prologue”). The walking exercises interspersed throughout the book ask readers to create a memory palace through walking (“Prologue”). This summary skips over those exercises, even though Morris argues that they are central to his argument.

One of the book’s concerns is defining what constitutes walking as a stand-alone artistic medium. Morris notes that “walking is not an established artistic medium, and works in the medium of walking are almost always discussed as performance or in terms of what is produced in other media after the walk.” In contrast, Morris argues “that the properties of going for a walk constitute an artistic experience distinct from that of encountering a walk represented in another medium, such as performance, sculpture, painting, video, installation, or writing. As such, the act of actually going to a walk is essential to my argument. The exercises in this book don’t just illustrate my argument; they activate and articulate it” (“Prologue”). The memory palace technique is the form of documentation Morris uses and recommends to his readers. A memory palace is “available for you to access twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week, for as long as you choose to remember it” (“Prologue”).

In the book’s first chapter, “Walking: A Distinct Artistic Medium,” Morris identifies his primary purpose:“This book identifies a new artistic medium—walking—pioneered by artists working in a networked, collaborative approach. My research reflects an increased interest in walking as both method and subject across the arts, humanities, and social sciences—something cultural geographer Hayden Lorimer has identified as a ‘new “walking studies”’” (Chapter 1).However, “considerations of artistic walking practices are dependent on vocabularies designed for other artistic media, or approached through theories such as relational aesthetics, dialogical aesthetics, or participation performance,” and this focus on other media or theories of practice “shifts attention from the sensory experience of walking to its relationship with what it produces in other media, and relegates walking to a process for making art” (Chapter 1). 

However, Morris argues that walking is not a process for making art in other disciplines; instead, it is an artistic medium in its own right. “Work within the artistic medium of walking transmits the artwork through the audience’s walking body,” he argues. “It is the experience of going for a walk, rather than the way the body performs for spectators, or aesthetic objects produced after the walk, that constitutes the location of the artwork” (Chapter 1). Thus he distinguishes between “works that must be experienced as a walk” and “works that use walking as a process or technique to create art in other media” (Chapter 1). As a medium, “walking does not consist strictly of walking: artists depend on other ways to communicate the design of the walk, such as through verbal, physical, visual, digital, written or recorded instructions. Because walking artists emerge from a broad set of disciplines, they make use of techniques in a variety of media to frame the walk and invite participation” (Chapter 1). 

Morris suggests that the interaction between walking and other media “necessitates that any consideration of the artistic medium of walking must also consider its use of interdisciplinary techniques” (Chapter 1). However, scholars, artists, and curators haven’t ignored walking as a medium: in the catalogue for Walk-On, curator Cynthia Morrison-Bell distinguishes between “walking as art”—the sculpture of Richard Long, or text work of Hamish Fulton, or video art of Francis Alÿs—and “art walks”—the audio walks of Janet Cardiff and George Bures Miller, or Fulton’s choreographed group walks (Chapter 1, Section 1.1). For Morris, the works Morrison-Bell calls “art walks” are “works in the specific medium of walking,” and so he is offering “a critical model specific to works that position the walk itself as the art” (Chapter 1, Section 1.1). “In establishing the medium of walking, it is key to focus on the physical experience of going for a walk and to identify different techniques artists use to facilitate that experience. Artists working with walking must make decisions regarding the route, rhythm, group composition, and how to inform participants about these decisions,” he writes. “Whether a walk is designed for an individual walker, a small group, or a large group, where it takes place, how the walker is asked to engage with the landscape, the group, and the experience of walking itself are all paramount to how the walk communicates as a work of art” (Chapter 1, Section 1.1). There are consistent attributes to walking—a slow pace, a fostering of creative and convivial responses—and “the artist’s design, the particular context of the walk, and participants’ previous knowledge and experiences determine how specific walks function as artistic works” (Chapter 1, Section 1.1).

Morris’s intention is “to clarify ambiguity around the use of the term ‘medium’ in relation to walking-based art and bring direct attention to how the medium of walking generates new relationships between people, the places through which they walk and the human and nonhuman actors they encounter in the landscape (both incidentally and by design” (Chapter 1, Section 1.1). He’s particularly interested in approaches to walking “that stress collaborative, collective, and relational modes of practice” (Chapter 1, Section 1.1). The kind of walker that interests him, then, is not the solo Romantic walker or urban flâneur (Chapter 1, Section 1.1)—or, for that matter, someone using walking to explore a highway by himself, like the walks I made last summer. Who else would want to come along with me on a walk along the shoulder of a busy highway? I don’t think I know anyone who would.

Because Morris is interested in collaborative or relational or collective walking, his focus is on three networks of practitioners that are developing walking as an artistic medium: the Walking Artists Network at the University of East London; the Walking Institute at Deveron Projects in Huntly, Scotland; and the Walk Exchange he co-founded in New York. These organizations “support the artistic medium of walking through varied approaches to its development, and make visible the burgeoning work happening in the field”; they “demonstrate how artists are using the local analogue practice of walking to create global connections through digital tools” (Chapter 1, Section 1.1). 

Morris uses Rosalind Krauss’s definition of a medium, taken from her 1979 essay “Sculpture in the Expanded Field,” which argues that postmodernist artistic practice “is not defined in relation to a given medium—sculpture—but rather in relation to the logical operations on a set of cultural terms, for which any medium—photography, books, lines on walls, mirrors, or sculpture itself—might be used”; Krauss is not interested in the physical substance of the work, but rather its “logic of representation” (Chapter 1, Section 1.2). In her 2011 book, Under Blue Cup, Krauss suggests that a medium is a form of remembering; it is not referential but recursive, looking back on itself through the memory of its development (Chapter 1, Section 1.2). This idea is central to Morris’s argument. He suggests that Krauss “links medium to its logic of representation as held by the collective memory of a guild of practitioners rather than by any specific material form” (Chapter 1, Section 1.2). This framework “offers a way to unify the diverse field to which works in the medium of walking belong”; practitioners of walking art “are drawing on the memories of the medium, the rules and techniques developed by previous guilds of walking practitioners,” and by drawing on that memory, “networks of contemporary artists are developing a new medium” (Chapter 1, Section 1.2).

Richard Long and Hamish Fulton tend to “dominate considerations of walking as an artistic practice” (Chapter 1, Section 1.3): “Together they have established a specific form of walking in which individuals engage in epic treks and create tangible (and saleable) art works that point to the experience of their walks” (Chapter 1, Section 1.3). Much of their work is in other media, and walking acts as a support to that work (Chapter 1, Section 1.3); the objects they make “are circulated as art rather than the walks themselves” (Chapter 1, Section 1.3). Therefore their art is representational: it is “a model of artistic walking based on the commodified representation of walks”—and this artistic paradigm “is one of the things this book intends to challenge” (Chapter 1, Section 1.3). Though Long “has made important contributions to artistic practices linking walking and the landscape, his most iconic (and highest-valued) artistic outputs are textual works, maps, photographs, and sculptures (both gallery-based and site-specific” which “rarely offer a new walk to experience”; instead, “they point to a walk the artist has already experienced” (Chapter 1, Section 1.3). For this reason, “walking is not central to the audience’s experience of most of his work” (Chapter 1, Section 1.3). 

Fulton, unlike Long, “most forcefully identifies as a walking artist,” adamantly denying that he is a sculptor, claiming that walking is his primary artistic medium, but Morris disagrees (Chapter 1, Section 1.3). Instead, Fulton is committed “to representing walking experiences as artworks” (Chapter 1, Section 1.3). At the same time, Fulton has talked about the impossibility of conveying the experience of a walk through an artwork in a gallery, and that walking and making physical works of art are separate activities (Chapter 1, Section 1.3). “In this way, the audience for his work does not have access to the experience of the walk, only his suggestion of it,” Morris suggests (Chapter 1, Section 1.3). However, for Morris, the medium of walking (rather than its representation in other media) is “a disruptive, anti-art tool; it is a mode of radical praxis that calls on anti-capitalist traditions to move art out of the gallery or theatre and into the street. In contrast, Fulton and Long bring the walk back into the gallery and offer it for sale, promoting a model of practice that positions the walk as a generator of capital” (Chapter 1, Section 1.3). 

However, Fulton’s group walks, which he began making in 1994 after working with performance artist Marina Abramovič in Japan, address this issue; in those walks, “the observation and production of the art are simultaneous and communal, and the audience is invited to create the invisible object of a walk with him” (Chapter 1, Section 1.3). Those group walks “do not create a saleable object, only the experience of a walk,” and this moves Fulton’s work “from the representation of walking in other media to the medium of walking itself” (Chapter 1, Section 1.3). Fulton’s shift to group walks coincides with his increased interest in politics, something Morris does not see as a coincidence (Chapter 1, Section 1.3). Fulton’s shift“to the medium of walking reflects the radical political memory of the medium”: “the guild of practitioners who establish the memory of the medium, exemplified by the [Lettrist] and Situationist Internationals and the Dadaists, are motivated by considerations that are anti-capitalist and anti-art. The memory that undergirds the medium of walking develops from this history and its commitment to radical political change” (Chapter 1, Section 1.3). Only Fulton’s group walking practice—his “slowalks”—save his practice from being, for Morris, merely representational.

Since the 1960s, more attention has been paid to walking as an art practice (Chapter 1, Section 1.4). However, the “notion that walking art consists in objects or documents created in response to a walk remains prevalent, even amongst those who consider walking a distinct medium” (Chapter 1, Section 1.4). This idea, for Morris, is incorrect: “This emphasis on documentation moves the encounter of an artwork from the experience of the walking body to the representation of someone else’s experience of walking. It also situates the discussion of walking works within critical vocabularies attached to what is produced after the walk” (Chapter 1, Section 1.4). In addition, when the walk itself is positioned as art, it is considered in relation to performance (Chapter 1, Section 1.4). Walking works are often performative, but for Morris, “performance is not the primary location of the artistic experience,” because walking works—the kind he sees as using walking as a medium—don’t depend on the idea of the performer as “‘the expressive locus of the work’” (he is quoting Grant Kester here); instead, “the mode of art making is specific to the experience of going for a walk” (Chapter 1, Section 1.4). Morris cites Allan Kaprow’s call for art to stop being “a craft-based discipline of making objects and become a kind of unbounded investigation into the relationship between ideas, acts, and the material world” (qtd. Chapter 1, Section 1.4.1), noting that “an art where the artist’s vision is realized through the generative power of the audience, who bring the work to fruition through their participation,” is close to his definition of walking as an artistic medium (Chapter 1, Section 1.4.1). 

“Artists and scholars looking for a way to articulate their artistic walking works have adopted Kaprow’s term”—that is, “participation”—including Luis Carlos Sotelo and Clare Qualmann (Chapter 1, Section 1.4.1). Morris praises Qualmann (his dissertation supervisor, it seems) for being “explicitly engaged in the exploration of walking as an artistic medium” but criticizes her use of “existing nomenclature that prioritises performance as the location of artistic action rather than the walk itself” (Chapter 1, Section 1.4.1). “Though the artistic medium of walking does not preclude performance, it is not limited to performance, and draws on a wider memory of artistic practice related to its development as an an art form,” he contends (Chapter 1, Section 1.4.1).

Another touchstone in discussions of participatory art, including walking, is Nicolas Bourriaud’s concept of relational aesthetics, in which social relations between people, generated through interactive aesthetic experiences, are the focus, rather than static art objects (Chapter 1, Section 1.4.2). “In the medium of walking, the ‘vehicle of relations’ is the walking body as it moves in relation to the landscape and those who inhabit it, rather than an object in a gallery space,” he explains (Chapter 1, Section 1.4.2). “For Bourriaud, artists working in relational aesthetics offer a laboratory for exchange in which a community can reconfigure itself through alternatives to the dominant modes of capitalist subjectification,” he continues. “These artists take ‘the whole of human relations and their social context’ as practical and theoretical starting points” (Chapter 1, Section 1.4.2). For many artists, walking is a response to the lack of orientation to the outside that is involved in this notion of a laboratory: “it represents a desire to move beyond the depoliticised laboratory of commodified gallery spaces and into the everyday streets” (Chapter 1, Section 1.4.2). 

Another theory often used to talk about walking art is Grant Kester’s “dialogical aesthetics”: Kester uses this term to talk about art that has a collaborative, rather than specular, relationship to the viewer (Chapter 1, Section 1.4.3). I have Kester’s book but have yet to read it, and Morris’s discussion of Kester’s ideas encourages me to get to it. Theorists and practitioners who draw on Kester’s work include Deidre Heddon and Cathy Turner, Misha Myers, and Hilary Ramsden. In his 2004 book Conversation Pieces: Community and Communication in Modern Art, Kester argues that“dialogical art engages in an exchange with the audience in which ‘subjectivity is formed through discourse and intersubjective exchange itself’” (Chapter 1, Section 1.4.3). He contends that “dialogical projects are durational and engage their audiences in the overall creation of the artistic work” (Chapter 1, Section 1.4.3). For Kester, an artistic work is seen as “a durational process that occurs in collaboration with its audience, rather than a process of aesthetic absorption, as with a traditional art object,” and in this way the gallery becomes more like a theatre (Chapter 1, Section 1.4.3). However, unlike relational aesthetics, dialogical art doesn’t involve “a choreographed social exchange,” but rather a cumulative process of exchange and dialogue that goes beyond participating in an aesthetic event(Chapter 1, Section 1.4.3). “While not all of the works I discuss would comfortably fit within Kester’s paradigm—for example, Fulton’s slowalks summon the audience for a specifically choreographed experience—the artistic medium of walking overlaps with dialogical aesthetics in many ways,” Morris writes. “In particular, Kester’s focus on durational collaboration and exchange are present in many of the works I discuss. Works in the medium of walking, however, are distinguished by their basis in the walking body, which creates a specific type of aesthetic experience” (Chapter 1, Section 1.4.3).

Art historian Claire Bishop presents the most sustained critique of participatory, relational, and collaborative aesthetics; she wants to see attention paid to the demonstrable effects of these practices (Chapter 1, Section 1.4.4). What criteria address relationality as an aesthetic encounter? she asks (Chapter 1, Section 1.4.4). “My interest in the establishment of the distinct medium of walking responds to Bishop’s critique,” Morris states. “In defining walking as a specific artistic medium, I look to contribute to the development of a satisfactory mode of aesthetic critique for walking that provides this self0-reflexive criticality” (Chapter 1, Section 1.4.4). he notes that Bishop “has dismissed walking as one aspect in a predictable formula of participatory and socially engaged art,” but he sees it, instead, “as the centre of an artistic formula rather than a supporting outreach activity” (Chapter 1, Section 1.4.4). In any case, these theoretical perspectives only take Morris so far: “Though the theories discussed above offer important critical tools for considering artistic walking practices, [centring] critical conversation on walking as an artistic medium will allow for a more rigorous engagement with how the specific attributes of walking create a distinct aesthetic experience” (Chapter 1, Section 1.4.4).

What are the attributes of walking? Morris asks. “Artists, writers, and philosophers have anecdotally associated walking with creativity, conviviality, well-being, and increased capacity for intellectual thought, a paradigm perhaps [most] strongly established in the United Kingdom by the walks of the British Romantics,” he writes. “The relationship between walking, memory, and creativity is key to its efficacy as a practice, and works in the artistic medium of walking call on the creative stimulation of the walking experience” (Chapter 1, Section 1.5). 

Rhythm is an essential aspect of the experience of walking; the rhythm of walking “allows for a detailed exploration of the world at an intimate, human-scaled pace” (Chapter 1, Section 1.5). Fiona Wilke suggests that pace, or slowness, is what sets walking apart from other forms of mobility (Chapter 1, Section 1.5). Timothy Shortell and Evrick Brown, the editors of Walking in the European City, suggest, however, that while walking’s slow speed yields richness, it sacrifices breadth (Chapter 1, Section 1.5). “In the artistic medium of walking, this lack of breadth is often addressed through the durational nature of the works, many of which unfold through repetition and over time,” Morris states (Chapter 1, Section 1.5). In addition, “the artist sets a rhythm, which interacts with the personal rhythm of the participant to create a specific artistic experience. Whatever the rhythm set by the artist, however, walking’s slowness is a defining feature” (Chapter 1, Section 1.5).

Another defining feature of walking is “the design of the walking route,” which can be done in many different ways; some use “strictly delineated routes,” while “others favour free form explorations and collective decision making” (Chapter 1, Section 1.5). Walkers interact with their environment in particular ways, so the place in which the walk occurs is important. Walking is also social (when carried out by more than one person) “and multiple researchers have identified the creative potential of talking-walking methodologies” (Chapter 1, Section 1.5). “This is one of the says that artists working with walking link to dialogical and relational aesthetics, through the creation of convivial spaces of intersubjective exchange,” Morris states (Chapter 1, Section 1.5). However, in walking, the real world intrudes into those convivial spaces—through “the topography and built environment, the people encountered on the walk, the social and cultural boundaries established by the location, among others”—and people “who engage in artistic walks are asked to encounter these textures through the specific design of the artist” (Chapter 1, Section 1.5).

Walking can also be critical of the environment in which the walk takes place: many of the artists Morris discusses “actively interrogate physical and social constructs through their walking works” (Chapter 1, Section 1.5). “As an artistic medium, walking emerges, at least in part, from the anti-art and anti-capitalist rules and techniques developed by previous practitioners that form the memories of the medium,” he wrotes. “While not inherently radical, walking’s unique attributes contribute to its radical potential” (Chapter 1, Section 1.5). 

Morris’s focus in this book is walking within the United Kingdom; he notes that there are precursors in that country, (the Romantics, Long and Fulton) but also influences from elsewhere, such as the Lettrist International and the Situationist International; he thinks that the participatory explorations of various psychogeographical groups are better examples of the influences of the LI and SI than the literary manifestations of psychogeography, such as Iain Sinclair and Will Self (Chapter 1, Section 1.6). (Writing about walking seems to be completely out of fashion at the moment.) Walking in the UK has been linked to radical politics—the Chartists’ protest walks, the mass trespass on Kinder Scout, the marches by women for suffrage (Chapter 1, Section 1.6). For this reason, Morris begins his discussion of walking in the UK with “the memories of the medium”: the Romantics, especially women who walked, and the Situationists (Chapter 1, Section 1.6). Then he turns to the three organizations he has identified as promoting walking as an artistic medium—that discussion is the core of his book (Chapter 1, Section 1.6). 

Morris concludes his first chapter with Michel de Certeau’s argument for walking as a “space of enunciation” (qtd. Chapter 1, Section 1.7). Walking, for de Certeau, “requires one to learn a spatial language and act out that language through movement; it facilitates an exchange between the space and the self. If walking is akin to a speech act, then it can also function as a storytelling mechanism” (Chapter 1, Section 1.7). That emphasis on narrative resonates with Walter Benjamin’s essay “The Storyteller,” in which Benjamin argues that storytelling privileges experience over information (Chapter 1, Section 1.7). This emphasis on narrative might make Morris’s dismissal of “literary psychogeography” seem strange, but he argues that the narratives produced by walking are “predicated on the participant’s movement into the story of the walk”: for Morris, it is “in the creation rather than the reception of experience that the medium of walking can be found” (Chapter 1, Section 1.7). Going for a walk, as an action, “activates a specific relationship between the artist, audience and the landscape, which distinguishes it from other modes of artistic practice” (Chapter 1, Section 1.7). 

Following Krauss’s focus on specific examples, Morris looks at “specific works in the artistic medium of walking” and uses “medium to identify what distinguishes them from works that use walking as a process or technique to create art in other media” (Chapter 1, Section 1.7). He contends that walking is at the core of this book: 

it is vital to its research, practice, and dissemination. It offers a definition for walking as a distinct artistic medium as well as a walking-based critical model for the consideration of creative walks. The contours of walking cannot be discovered by simply reading about them; one must experience the physical and topological intrusions of the landscape on the walking body. Because of this, it is imperative that any critical model for the consideration of walking place the act of walking at its centre. (Chapter 1, Section 1.7)

The walking exercises included in the book articulate Morris’s arguments, rather than illustrating them, and “through the construction of a memory palace” he looks “to articulate the medium of walking through the practice of walking itself” (Chapter 1, Section 1.7).

Chapter 2, “A Romantic Drift through the History of Walking,” is about the memory of the artistic medium of walking, the practices of its forebearers, and “the practices and techniques developed by a guild of previous walking practitioners” (Chapter 2). While scholars have “started to map a history of walking focused on the relational, dialogic, and social nature of the practice,” nevertheless “considerations of walking remained dominated by a specific type of walker: the white, able-bodied male who drops his everyday relationships to engage in epic journeys, be these solitary rambles through remote locales, or wild urban explorations with a likeminded group” (Chapter 2). Like Deidre Heddon and Cathy Turner’s discussion of “epic” walking, that word carries a negative jolt: epic walking, in contemporary practice, is considered exclusionary, elitist, and wrong, particularly through the alleged whiteness and maleness of its practitioners. The kind of walking I tend to practice—partly out of necessity rather than choice, since walking can be dangerous and difficult here, and I am reluctant to engage others in a walks that can be risky and uncomfortable, and partly because it’s easier to walk by myself than find others to walk with in a small city, like this one, that has no walking culture—is completely out of fashion. Nobody wants to hear about it—particularly if the experiences of those walks are documented in writing. Walking must be a collective practice, and it must be open to all, or it is without value, according to the current notions of what constitutes walking as an artistic practice. Solo walks don’t count; neither do long walks. Both are aesthetically and politically retrograde. Such arguments, however, ignore the fact that not everywhere is walking as relatively easy or accepted as it is in the UK–and that many of the walkers Morris himself discusses have engaged in so-called “epic” walking.

Instead of looking at a white, male canon of walkers, Morris, examines “marginalized influences in walking’s history, to contribute to a recasting of the canon that puts race, gender, and ability at the forefront of any critical consideration of walking art” (Chapter 2). He suggests that Deidre Heddon and Cathy Turner are the most forceful proponents of the need for this critical approach, as expressed in their important 2012 article “Walking Women: Shifting the Tales and Scales of Mobility” (Chapter 2). The Romantics and the Naturalists, according to Heddon and Turner, constitute the “single trajectory” of the history of walking, and that trajectory presupposes a “universal walker,” a male figure, physically able, of a particular class and race (Chapter 2). As a result, the “walking canon” is “focused on those perceived to be socially and physically independent, and able to freely traverse both urban and rural spaces” (Chapter 2). Morris’s purpose in this chapter is to centre “marginalised perspectives in its discussion of the enduring historical discourses around walking” (Chapter 2). For that reason, he focuses on Dorothy Wordsworth, not her brother William (Chapter 2), and on Michèle Bernstein’s 1961 book The Night as an example of Lettrist and Situationist anti-art walking practices (Chapter 2) instead of Guy Debord’s theorizing of the dérive, and Abdelhafid Khatib’s attempted drift in Paris, “which illuminates some of the tensions around walking, race and access to public space overlooked in discussions of the SI” (Chapter 2). Morris finishes by looking at the contributions of Dada and Surrealism “to the web of practices that are foundational to the memory of the medium” (Chapter 2).

“The mode of walking that continues to be most associated with Romanticism is that of the solitary explorer who discovers his individual genius through epic encounters with the sublime,” Morris continues, but “there exists an alternative lineage of Romantic subjectivity and behaviour evidenced by sources outside of the canon, such as the journals and travelogues of Romantic women” (Chapter 2, Section 2.1). Romantic tropes include uniqueness, nature as a cure for a corrupt society, a free imagination, the idea that the truth of our lives is located in our internal subjectivity, the idea that creativity is a quality possessed by individuals rather than groups (Chapter 2, Section 2.1). “These tropes have come to symbolise a certain set of priorities that are represented through the image of the solitary Romantic walker,” typified by Caspar David Friedrich’s 1818 painting Wanderer Above the Sea of Fog, “which has come to represent the wild, mythical, sublime creativity and solitude of the Romantic self-made genius” (Chapter 2, Section 2.1). 

William Wordsworth the English Romantic poet most closely associated with walking (Chapter 2, Section 2.1). Romantic walking is seen a solitary activity, since many of Wordsworth’s walks were solitary ones, in which the walker, “set apart from society, moves into the natural world to discover himself through sublime exploratory journeys” (Chapter 2, Section 2.1). However, many of Wordsworth’s walks “were composed in collaboration with his sister, who acted as walking companion, secretary, editor, and wordsmith” (Chapter 2, Section 2.1). He also walked with his friend and fellow poet, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, but that fact is left out of Morris’s account. Dorothy Wordsworth’s journals were an important influence on his poetry (Chapter 2, Section 2.1). Her writings “reveal walking as simultaneously social and solitary”; when she walks alone, “she is often accompanied by memories of those who have walked with her” (Chapter 2, Section 2.1). Wouldn’t that be true of Wordsworth as well? And aren’t many of the poems he wrote about his walks about encounters with other people during those walks? In any case, Dorothy Wordsworth’s “travel writings offer insight into how she and her brother inhabited solitary spaces together and reveal the relational, networked nature of Romantic walking practices” (Chapter 2, Section 2.1). Her journals and diaries “demonstrate how the solitary and social intermingle, and offer an example of Heddon and Turner’s walking web, where the ‘familiar, local, temporal and socio-cultural, as well as the unknown, immediate, solitary, wild’ are ‘entangled with one another’” (Chapter 2, Section 2.1). 

While Dorothy Wordsworth’s writing was not published during her lifetime, it was read by her brother and circulated among her peers (Chapter 2, Section 2.1). Her writings “demonstrate that the Romantics often walked together, and the process of translating those walks into the medium of poetry was a collaborative process. Indeed, she is simply one example of the collaborative role women played in the development of Romantic walking practices”: other Romantic walking women included Anne Lister, Sarah Stoddart, and Mary Shelley (Chapter 2, Section 2.1). “A new memory of artistic walking must start with” a reconsideration of “the role women played in the construction of the walking sensibilities of the period” and that new memory must recall “the contribution of a variety of social actors to the foundations of cultural walking practices” (Chapter 2, Section 2.1). The point seems to be that the notion of Romantic walking as solitary is incorrect, but any careful study of that practice shows that notion is, at best, only partly right.

The Lettrist International and Situationist International also influenced the artistic medium of walking (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). Most of the focus has been on Guy Debord as “the dominant figure in considerations of the LI/SI” and “little has been said about the role of Michèle Bernstein, who joined the LI in 1952 and remained part of the SI through 1967, shortly before its official dissolution in 1972 and a few years after the end of her romantic relationship with Debord” (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). Morris argues that the SI was a collective endeavour, shaped through collaboration (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). On one hand, that seems to be true, given the number of authors who contributed to its publications; on the other hand, Debord determined who could and could not be a member of the SI, so the amount of collaboration involved diminished over time. “Through my focus on Bernstein, I do not intend to diminish the collective nature of the group,” Morris writes; “rather, I look to bring attention to a particularly active member of the collective who contributed primarily through practice, rather than individually signed public proclamations” (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). 

The dérive, “a method of drifting conceived by the LI and developed by the SI, is a consistent point of reference for contemporary artists and theorists working with walking” (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). These exploratory walks through urban spaces, as described by Debord in “Theory of the Dérive,” were best carried out by small groups of people, because cross-checking their impressions increases the possibility of reaching objective conclusions (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). “Though the solitary dérive is possible, it is fundamentally a group activity designed to actively interrogate and potentially transform the city,” Morris notes (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). The dérive had (or has) two goals: “the discovery and détournement of the city’s ‘psychogeographical’ contours, and ‘engagement in playful-constructive behaviour,’” Morris writes, citing Debord (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). “Détournement, short for ‘détournement of preexisting aesthetic elements,’ is a method by which already existing materials are combined to create new meanings, ostensibly in the service of overthrowing capitalism and the society of the spectacle,” he points out (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). “The dérive is a physical détournement, in which the city itself is re-spliced and overdubbed through a physical resistance to, and playful deconstruction of, urban space” (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). In addition, the SI promulgated “a theory of interaction, dialogue and ‘total participation’ through the ‘organization of the directly lived moment’” (Chapter 2, Section 2.2).

Bernstein explained that the dérive was intended as a way of life: through practice, the SI would contribute to a social revolution that would create a new world (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). “For Bernstein and the Situationists, the dérive was a foundational practice in the impending revolution,” Morris states (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). Morris argues that Bernstein influenced the theoretical foundations of Situationist practice, although she was reticent “to produce work for the consumption of the spectacle”; nevertheless, “her focus on dialogue, interaction and the directly lived moment, in some ways make her an ideal Situationist” (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). Her two novels, 1960’s All the King’s Horses and 1961’s The Night, led to the publication of Debord’s The Society of the Spectacle; Bernstein convinced her publisher, Edmund Buchet, to publish Debord’s text (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). Bernstein’s novels, which “détourn different literary styles,” including racy pulp novels and the nouveau roman, “provide insight into key Situationist concepts, such as dérive, d[é]tournement, and psychogeography, as written from Bernstein’s perspective” (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). The Night, for instance, includes a fictional account of a dérive (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). Of course, that account is fictional, which makes Bernstein’s writing perhaps less useful than the nonfiction writing published by other members of the SI. The Situationists wrote about race as well as gender. “Situationist Abdelhafid Khatib’s ‘Attempt at a Psychogeographical Description of Les Halles’ (1958) identifies social factors that shape and often limit participants’ experiences,” Morris notes, since Khatib’s dérive was incomplete because he was arrested for breaking the curfew imposed on Arabs and North Africans in Paris (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). “Khatib’s text brings attention to the challenges of drifting for a person whose movement is restricted, be this by gender, race, or ability” (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). 

Contemporary psychogeographical practices foreground gender and race, along with ability. Morris discusses Sharanya Murali’s discussion of drifting in New Delhi, India, and the limitations on her freedom of movement, mostly because of concerns about her safety (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). Psychogeographer Morag Rose has noted that while conducting walking interviews with women for her doctoral research she was often disrupted by men, and that the women she interviewed noted that it’s important to be alert to threats in the street (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). Murali “consider’s Khatib’s drift in relation to ‘disability and other forms of marginalisation,” suggesting that “the obstructions to activity caused by barricades, lorries, and other movement of the city in this inhospitable region of Paris, can be translated or applied to the everyday experiences of barriers and boundaries experienced by disabled drifters” (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). Morris quotes Steve Graby’s discussion of the ways that walkers with cognitive disabilities have their “wandering behaviour” pathologized, when it “has the potential to be a radical act of resistance for those marginalised or stigmatised for their assertion of a right to public space” (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). These contemporary discussions show how the dérive “continues to influence contemporary practitioners working with walking, and [Lettrist]/Situationist practices form an important base for the memory of the medium” (Chapter 2, Section 2.2). Moreover, the writing of Bernstein and Khatib “highlight the role gender, race, and ability play in walking practices both historical and contemporary” (Chapter 2, Section 2.2).

“Members of LI/SI maintained the avant-garde tradition of opposition, and the establishment of the Internationals was marked by a denunciation of their predecessors,” including Dada and the Surrealists (Chapter 2, Section 2.3). Nevertheless, “the Situationists remain indebted to their avant-garde predecessors, something Bernstein acknowledges by ending The Night in front of the ‘church of Saint-Julien-le-Pauvre,’ the site of the fabled Dada excursion of 1921,” Morris writes. “Indeed, Bernstein has said that the SI was born from the twin heads of Dada and Surrealism—Dada the father they loved and Surrealism the father they hated—and one can see the traces of those movements in the development of LI/SI walking practices” (Chapter 2, Section 2.3). 

Dada was central in the idea of walking as art: the Dada excursion to Saint-Julien-le-Pauvre established the walk as a work of art, or rather of anti-art (Chapter 2, Section 2.3). “In contrast to the shock tactics exemplified by Dada performance at the Cabaret Voltaire in Zurich, or at the Galerie Montaigne in Paris, walking created a convivial space for an artistic experience (not a mere entertainment) that confronted the world around them,” Morris writes (Chapter 2, Section 2.3). Given the tendency for Dada walks to end in arguments or fisticuffs, though I wonder if “convivial” is the right word. Nevertheless, Morris notes that the Dadaists refused “to produce art objects or create public sculptures focused the excursion entirely on the relationship between the artists, walkers, and the space they encountered/inhabited together, and is an essential part of its mythology” (Chapter 2, Section 2.3). Dada refused the capitalist art market, and this aspect of its legacy, which influenced the SI, “continues to inform the work of artists using walking as an anti-capitalist practice” (Chapter 2, Section 2.3). 

The excursion to Saint-Julien-le-Pauvre “is an essential part of the memory of the artistic medium of walking; it established precedents and techniques that continue to influence contemporary practitioners” (Chapter 2, Section 2.3):

Its key contributions include: the movement of art from the closed space of the gallery or theatre into the open space of the street; the foregrounding of the audience’s subjective experience of walking together; the development of the walk as a convivial space dependent on the goodwill of participants who confront the landscape together; and the establishment of the walk as art, or anti-art. (Chapter 2, Section 2.3)

Dada also to Surrealism. André Breton wrote that Surrealism “looked to express the ‘actual functioning of thought’ through ‘psychic automatism in its pure state.’ The Surrealists rejected ‘control exercised by reason’ and looked to subconscious and unconscious processes in the creation of walks” (Chapter 2, Section 2.3). Walking was present throughout the Surrealist project; for instance Breton organized a 1923 excursion with the other Surrealists in the countryside; however, unlike the Dada excursion, “Surrealist walks were rarely public art events; rather, walking formed an important part of their process of art making,” resulting in novels like Breton’s 1928 Nadja and Louis Aragon’s 1926 Le Paysan de Paris (Chapter 2, Section 2.3).

Walking was central to Surrealism, and by walking with companions, the Surrealists “continued the recasting of Romantic walking practices through collective, social behaviour, and further developed walking as a mode of affiliation” (Chapter 2, Section 2.3). According to Morris, “the Surrealist project was about tapping into the collective unconscious, and walking through the city together was a primary way to do that” (Chapter 2, Section 2.3). For that reason, “written expressions of Surrealist walking practices are not simply literature; rather, they invite the reader into the mystical world of Surrealism through encounters on foot—a shift that continues the move to the street begun through the Dada excursion,” Morris writes. “Though the Surrealists didn’t necessarily frame their walks as public events, the art they created continues to serve as an inspiration for actual walking practices. Bernstein identifies the Surrealists as a despised influence, but they are responsible for developing the potential of the unplanned drift through Paris in search of urban mysteries” (Chapter 2, Section 2.3). 

All of these precursors were politically radical. Romanticism, according to historian Eric Hobsbawm, “was an extremist creed” (qtd. Chapter 2, Section 2.4). “The memory of the artistic medium of walking develops from this radical foundation,” Morris contends (Chapter 2, Section 2.4). Scholars have traced British psychogeography to the Romantic urban walks of William Blake and Thomas de Quincey, for instance; these links connect practices 

on opposite ends of the historical avant garde and demonstrate the web of walking practices that undergird the memory of the medium. The Romantic foundations for the art of walking out, the Dadaist establishment of the walk as anti-art, the Surrealist commitment to the exploration of the collective unconscious through wandering the city, and the SI’s refusal to make art in favour of the directly-lived moment, all contribute to a web of radical practices that support the medium of walking. (Chapter 2, Section 2.4)

Nevertheless, Morris notes that it’s worth asking whether walking is as resistant as its proponents claim it to be—to consider whether radical walking is “vulnerable to the recuperation they were originally intended to combat” (Chapter 2, Section 2.4). Walking cannot be considered inherently political merely because it requires participation: 

The politics of a walk are based on how it is framed by the artist and experienced by the participant, and though walking art emerges from an anti-art, anti-capitalist memory, it is not necessarily immune to recuperation by market forces. Nevertheless, the attributes of walking—its slow pace, the relationship it builds to the landscape and the other people in the landscape, and its ability to stimulate creative and critical thinking—combined with the memory of the medium I have outlined in this chapter, make it uniquely suited to radical practice. (Chapter 2, Section 2.4)

So walking is not inherently critical or politically engaged, but it lends itself to critical or political practices.

Morris notes that he has skipped many important antecedents: the flâneur, because that is a solitary and invariably male form of walking; and artistic uses of walking in the 1960s and 1970s, including Gutai artists in Japan and Fluxus walking scores, which “blurred the lines between art and everyday life, and challenged social, spatial, and artistic structures,” or site-specific walking performances of groups like Wrights & Sites in the UK (Chapter 2, Section 2.4). His genealogy is a response to Heddon and Turner’s call for rethinking the canon of walking beyond “the standard fraternity of white, able-bodied men” (Chapter 2, Section 2.4).

Morris’s third chapter, “Artistic Foundations for Walking Networks,” summarizes the three groups or “networks” he explores in more detail in subsequent chapters. These groups—the Walking Artists Network, Deveron Projects’ Walking Institute, and the Walk Exchange—make visible “the ephemeral practices of artists working with walking, and attests to the breadth and scope of art being made in the medium” (Chapter 3). His focus is on the artists that founded these organizations and how their practices influenced the groups’ development (Chapter 3). Morris is part of that story, since he is one of the founders of Walk Exchange (Chapter 3).

In 2008, a group of 20 people—artists, musicians, writers, urban planners—met at London Metropolitan University to talk about the future of walking art; this was the beginning of the Walking Artists Network (Chapter 3, Section 3.1). “WAN’s founding members come from an array of artistic backgrounds, and the projects presented at the pilot meeting reflect the wide-ranging disciplines from which walking art emerges,” Morris writes. “These artists demonstrate the many ways walking can be used in the creation of artistic works and establishes walking as one medium among many” (Chapter 3, Section 3.1). However, not all of the artists connected to WAN see walking art the way Morris does: many of them represent their walks in various media (paint, sound art, installation work, audio walks); others, working in collaborative art or relational aesthetics, seem closer to the approach to walking as an artistic medium that Morris advocates (Chapter 3, Section 3.1). 

“The move toward the medium of walking can be seen most explicitly in the works of walkwalkwalk (2005-2010). Though walkwalkwalk make use of a variety of media in their work, the project positions walking as the central artistic gesture,” Morris wrotes. “As such, it illustrates the approach toward walking that undergirds the development of WAN: the centrality of going for a walk, rather than just talking, writing, thinking about, or otherwise representing the act of walking” (Chapter 3, Section 3.1). The members of walkwalkwalk were Gail Burton, Serena Korda, and Clare Qualmann. The group formed when they were looking for a way to make art that wouldn’t cost money or require an institutional affiliation (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1). “Together they created a series of walks that looked at the ‘archaeology of the familiar and forgotten’ in London’s East End” (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1): they created a manifesto that “focused on fostering an environment of social exploration and convivial exchange” (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1). That manifesto situated their work within the history of the Dadaists, Surrealists, and Situationists (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1). Their interest was “on social engagement and intimate interactions that create moments of exchange with the landscape and the other actors they encounter in it” and in critiquing everyday life “through durational walking practice”—but durational walking practices are almost by definition not socially engaged, since many people don’t enjoy walking long distances (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1). “Durational” might be the wrong word: 

Rather than epic walks through the outer reaches of London—typified by literary psychogeographer Iain Sinclair’s London Orbital (2002), which recounts his exploration of the M25 motorway—walkwalkwalk’s walks reflected the overlapping area of their shared everyday routes: home to work and home again, walks to the pub or supermarket, walks to friend’s houses and public swimming pools. (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1).

Heddon and Turner describe these walks as “a sort of anti-dérive” because of their focus on exploring local spaces (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1). “Indeed, Qualmann positions their practice in explicit contrast to Debord’s assumption of the pathetically limited movement and narrow lives of urban dwellers,” Morris writes. “In this way, walkwalkwalk détourned the dérive and gave precedence to the repetition of everyday walking experiences, and particularly the experience of women walking through the city” (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1).

One of walkwalkwalk’s “key outputs” was Nightwalks, a “semi-regular series of walks at night that took place over five years” in which the public was “invited to ‘experience the city in a new way—without shopping, without a destination, for its own sake—with no other purpose than walking’” (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1). The routes of these walks focused on places that apparently lacked purpose and meaning, a reference to the excursions of the Dadaists and the drifts of the LI and SI, but in order to explore the local environment of participants (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1). “Nightwalks interrogated the shifting nature of public space, and particularly the overlooked or marginal aspects of everyday spaces, through these walks they opened their private routines to the public, with groups typically numbering between fifteen and thirty people,” Morris states. “As they walked together, they temporarily transformed the spaces through which they passed” (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1). Areas that might make solo walkers, particularly women, anxious or nervous at night were transformed by the experience of a group of walkers, becoming safe or even festive (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1). “The walks set up a convivial group environment that functioned as a mobile safe space, while also identifying places in the landscape that might otherwise be perceived as dangerous or antagonistic” (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1); they also opened up areas of the city for participants who would otherwise be afraid to enter them, particularly at night (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1). While both men and women participated, the leaders were women, and the documentation and discussion of the project has tended to be by women; in this way, the project brought attention “to how gender affects access to the city,” unlike projects facilitated and commented on by groups of men (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1). 

One walkwalkwalk ritual, which began during their first walk, was heating soup over a fire in an oil drum; that activity’s associations with homelessness caused some members of the group to reflect on the walking group’s privilege; it also recalls the relational aesthetic work of Rirkrit Tiravanija, who cooks and serves food to gallery visitors; however, those experiences “are only open to members of the public who enter the space of the gallery or museum, spaces that have strict codes of conduct and limited accessibility to the uninitiated” (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1). “In taking their soup out of the confines of the gallery space and into the street, walkwalkwalk create a new strategic orientation that situates the art in direct relation to the world outside the gallery,” Morris suggests. Nevertheless, walking art 

remains limited to an initiated public, and walkwalkwalk’s participants were predominantly white and middle class; however, their project’s traversal of the city streets put it in direct relation to spaces inhabited by those who don’t necessarily have access to the art world. The use of public space provides greater opportunities for someone to join the convivial shared space of the walk, even momentarily, than a similar activity in a gallery space. (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1)

The routes of walkwalkwalk’s events tended to follow similar routes, “a technique that creates the varied ambiences of the dérive through a local mode of repetition” and helped to create a sense of ritual (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1). 

“Over the five years of the project, walkwalkwalk catalogued the lost and forgotten aspects of the neighbourhood,” Morris writes. “Changes to the neighbourhood were included in maps or their routes” (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1). The last map the project generated “is dominated entirely by a list of things that have changed or no longer exist, ranging from physical buildings such as the Coppermill warehouses on Cheshire Street, to sensory experiences such as the smell of pastries and cakes on Russia Lane or Glass Street” (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1). For Morris, these walks “brought active attention to and provided a communal location to discuss the changes and shifts in the neighbourhood” (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1). Qualmann compares the project to Robert Smithson’s 1967 conceptual work The Monuments of Passaic, partly because ofSmithson’s argument that his work consisted of the experience, rather than the photographs that documented that experience (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1). 

“The outputs created by walkwalkwalk, which encompass a variety of media, are linked through the practice of walking and the invitation to go on a walk,” Morris concludes. “The production of an installation or exhibition of those outputs is not the conclusion of the project, rather, it is ‘the first step in opening it out to others.’ This is further encouraged by the project’s website, which exists as both an archive of the project and an invitation to continue the spatial exploration initiated by the artists” (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1). He uses walkwalkwalk’s projects as a way of approaching WAN because they reveal that network’s “formative notions”: the idea that the walk itself is the location of an artistic experience, and questions about what constitutes the medium of walking (Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1).

Next, Morris turns to Deveron Projects, a socially engaged art organization, founded in 1995 in Huntly, Scotland. Its focus is on socially engaged or anthropological art that explores the local place and its connections to the wider world. It has no exhibition space, so the town itself is the venue, and work commissioned by DP is presented in spaces like pubs, libraries, and restaurants (Chapter 3, Section 3.2). Deveron Projects facilitates collaborations between visiting artists and the local community (Chapter 3, Section 3.2). “The Walking Institute was inspired by walking artist Hamish Fulton’s residency in Huntly,” Morris writes: 

DP commissioned Fulton to create 21 Days in the Cairngorms (2010), a solitary walk from Huntly’s town square to Glenmore Lodge in the heart of the Cairngorms (Britain’s largest mountain range). Additionally, the project included two group slow walks: A Walk Around the Block (2010) in Huntly’s city centre on 17 April, the day before he began his journey; and Slowalk (2010) at Aviemore Ski Car Park on 9 May, the day after he completed his walk. (Chapter 3, Section 3.2)

However, Fulton’s project was not the first DP collaboration to address walking; in 2008, the group commissioned South African artist Jacques Coetzer to create a new town motto as part of the project Room to Roam (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.1). For that project, Coetzer “engaged intimately with the Huntly community to discover its rich cultural heritage” (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.1). In 2010, DP co-organized the Huntly Walking Festival in the town, partly to encourage residents “to enjoy the glories of their local landscape” and partly to encourage tourism (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.1), and that same year, artist Norma Hunter worked with disabled community members to create Walk This Way, a choreographed wheelchair walk (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.1). “Hunter’s piece is one of the few walking projects to address the relationship beteween walking and wheelchairs, and created a space for the discussion and inclusion of an often marginalized group of walkers,” Morris notes (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.1).

Fulton’s project was linked to the Huntly Walking Festival: he gave a talk, led a group slowalk, and invited people to walk with him for the first day of 21 Days in the Cairngorms (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.2). “For Fulton, ‘an artist who walks, not a walker who makes art,’ it is important to contextualize the artistic concepts that animate a walk,” Morris contends. “Crucially, he participated in ‘Can Walking be Art?,’ a free arts breakfast and public discussion with the project’s shadow curator, Mary Jane Jacobs. This gave him an opportunity to position his practice within a longer tradition of walking art, and provide examples of his previous walking work” (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.2). Morris argues that as Fulton “has moved toward the medium of walking, through the advent of group walks, his work has also become more political” (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.2). “In contrast to his solitary walks, group walks allow for direct communication of what he views as urgent political realities via the experience of walking,” he states (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.2). For 25 years Fulton had been creating solo walks in the Cairngorms; this event was the first day he was accompanied by walkers from the community (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.2). That group walk was essential to the project, which was intended to activate the “Room to Roam” motto through the town’s geographical links to the Cairngorms, even though the town is not within the boundaries of the national park (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.2).

Fulton’s group walking technique was “introduced to him by French choreographer Christine Quoiraud when the collaborated in 2002”; together, they created a series of slow, equally-spaced walks which connect his practice to the history of what Susan Leigh Foster calls “walking dance,” which was developed in New York in the 1960s and 1970s by artists interested in enhancing participants’ perception of their environment (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.2). “In contrast to his solitary practice, where the rhythm and relation to the landscape is entirely his, the choreography of group walks bring attention to how bodies move through the landscape in relation to each other,” Morris writes (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.2). In his slowalks, “the practice of walking is slowed further, which forces walkers to adjust to a new rhythm dictated by the artist. Through dictating the rhythm of his participants and their spatial configuration, Fulton places slow, silent walkers in proximity to each other within a specific landscape” (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.2). 

The slowalk at the end of Fulton’s walk through the Cairngorms, at the parking lot at Aviemore Station, referred to his previous walks in those mountains, since he always began them at that train station, but in contrast to his usual anonymity, “the group of slowalkers in the car park created a visible public intervention” (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.2). People who ran across the walkers had different experiences than the participants: “The passing public experienced Fulton’s walk as an aesthetic intervention into a public space, one that possibly shifts their view of how that space can be used. Participants in the walk, however, experience the work as part of a collective creation of what Fulton terms the ‘invisible object’ of the walk” (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.2). However, some participants felt they had not been adequately prepared for Fulton’s “strict walking practice,” particularly the clothing and equipment that were necessary and the length and style of the walk (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.2). The walks didn’t account for “physical variations in how people walk,” either (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.2). Morris writes:

Fulton’s slow, silent walks were designed to create a space of intense collective focus that highlighted the relationships of each walker to the space in which they walked and the people with whom they walked. This physical engagement is one of the essential things that distinguishes works in the medium of walking from works that represent an artist’s walk in another media. Fulton’s practice has always foregrounded the relationship between his walking body and the landscape; group walks, however, shift the focus from the representation of a walk to the experience of individuals walking together. Rather than a conceptual imagining of a walk an artist has already completed, the experience of the walking body, with its cold shivers, uncomfortable feet, and relationship to other walkers, is the location of the art. (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.2)

However, not everyone was prepared for “cold shivers” or “uncomfortable feet”; that is one of the reasons my walking practice is primarily solitary—I know what to expect, after hundreds of kilometres of walking, but others won’t. In any case, Deveron Projects’ collaboration with Fulton led to more thinking about walking as an art practice and inspired the creation of a walking appreciation initiative (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.2). It might also suggest, though, something about the difficulty of designing walking practices that will appeal to absolutely everyone.

Next, Morris turns to Walk Exchange, which he co-founded in 2011 in New York with four other collaborators and grew out of walking projects intended “to create a rigorous critical environment to explore artistic walking practices” (Chapter 3, Section 3.3). The artists involved were shifting to the medium of walking from other disciplines, primarily theatre, performance, and film (Chapter 3, Section 3.3). He is particularly interested in Walk Exchange’s precursors, events and walks made or curated by its co-founders. For instance, co-founder Dillon de Give’s The Coyote Walks (2009-2017) linked the city to the wild through annual walks which commemorated the spirit of Hal, a coyote captured in Central Park who died shortly after being released into the wild (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.1). “Through walking, he hypothesised possible paths that coyotes might take in and out of the city,” Morris writes (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.1). The project began as a solo walk but evolved into a durational walk for a small group: “This shifted the medium of the work from one based in the representation of his walks in other media (performance, installation, and sculpture in the expanded field), to the experience of walking itself” (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.1). The first walk was a 66-mile, three-day trek from the Hallett Sanctuary in Central Park to Westchester, Connecticut where Hal is believed to have come from; at a ceremony the evening before he left, people were invited to bring a small gift or message inspired by Hal, which de Give distributed along his path, forming a temporary, 60-mile monument that was accessible to the public, while the walk itself was not (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.1). Later, de Give translated the experience of walking into performance art, in which the walk “was presented through a dialogic and durational performance focused on the physical experience of walking and the ongoing consequences to his toes,” one of which remained numb afterwards (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.1)

For the second version of the walk, de Give invited others to join him, and Morris participated. A ritual procession with incense and noisemakers and musical instruments was performed before the group set off on their journey; as they walked, they made noise at sites where coyotes have been seen in Manhattan, which “brought the group’s attention to the specific task at hand: the physical tracing of coyote routes” (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.1). The walk wasn’t intended to track coyotes; instead, it articulated a hypothesis about how the city is connected to nature: “The project opens a space in which humans explore a nonhuman embodied movement, and in doing so, questions the seeming distance between the urban sphere and the natural environment” (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.1). According to Morris, de Give frames these walks as short walking residencies that encourage “collaborative considerations of a messy entanglement between what we might perceive as the chaos of nature and the rational orderliness of civilization” (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.1). 

However, Morris is more interested in the way de Give works with the corporeal act of walking (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.1). His project “creates new paths as it connects islands of green space around and out of NYC,” and through that process, 

de Give crafts new connections to the wild, most explicitly through the annual group walk, but also through potential walkers who encounter the route via the map. This positions the location of the art in the action of walking and brings attention to how walking informs our relationship to the landscapes we traverse and those with whom we traverse them. In The Coyote Walks, de Give calls on the memories of the medium of walking as they [emerge] from landscape art, expanded sculpture and performance art. Over the course of the project his practice moves from the representation of walking in other media to the specific medium of walking. (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.1)

And, of course, it is the specificity of walking as an artistic medium that interests Morris.

In 2008 and 2009, Morris worked on a year-long exploration of walking as an art practice, [untitled] Walk Project, which connected walkers in New York, London, Los Angeles, and Tokyo (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.2). “This was the beginning of my personal exploration of the boundaries of walking as an artistic medium,” he recalls. “Every month for a year, I invited a small group of friends and artists to join me to explore different techniques in the medium of walking” (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.2). The project took the form of group walks, not solo walks, in New York, but he also invited artists elsewhere to create both kinds of walks (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.2). “The project’s culminating walk was a three-week journey from Brooklyn to Washington, DC,” Morris writes:

Over the course of the walk a variety of people joined us for sections, though only Brett Van Aalsburg and I managed to complete the entire journey. When we encountered people along the route, we actively engaged them regarding the content of the project. We handed out business cards fashioned from cut-up cereal boxes that featured quotes about walking and a link back to the project’s website. In this way, our happenstance encounters on the road pointed back to a digital space that framed the overall project for the people we encountered. (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.2)

According to Morris, [untitled] Walk Project “tested a variety of walking techniques to explore the potential of walking as an artistic medium. It asked how, when, and why walking functioned as art and explored the contours of the form with an international cohort of participants” (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.2). The variety of international walks meant that no one person could fully experience the project; for Morris, this extended his interest in developing walking networks and creating ways of sharing local walking practices globally (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.2).

Morris’s next project, [Robert Moses] Walk Project (2010-2011), “looked to explore more specifically the construction of NYC. If the dérive is not random but instead responds specifically to the contours of the city, it seemed important to explore who developed those contours”: Robert Moses, the urban planner who shaped the city for 40 years in the twentieth century (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.2). Moses oversaw the ascendancy of the automobile in the middle of the twentieth century (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.2). The [Robert Moses] Walk Project “consisted of fifty walks designed to foster discussion and encourage exploration of Moses’s role in the reshaping of NYC. I invited artists to collaborate with me on the development of pedestrian responses to Moses’s public works” (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.2). The project’s “collaborative ethos” was an attempt “to use walking as a way to create an artwork that did not belong to any one individual, but instead reflected the footsteps and perspectives of a network of walkers,” but that network, in this project, was “resolutely local” (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.2). The walks “were generated in response to collective walking explorations and actively encouraged the public to participate in further walks” (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.2). Some of the project’s walks were theatrical, such as The [Gallery] Walks (2011), in which Chloë Bass presented public infrastructure projects overseen by Moses as artworks (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.2). Others, like Morris’s collaboration with Maya Baldwin, Doc Walks (2011), “considered the relationship between walking and documentation through photography, installations, parties, and public walks”; in Doc Walk 3 (2011), he and Baldwin “invited members of the public to complete one of five solitary walks” and then “document the results. These documents were then shared during a public walk in Brooklyn, with each participant presenting their documentation along the route. This process furthered my interest in documenting walks through walks and foreshadowed my use of the memory palace technique” (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.2). The project confirmed for Morris “walking’s generative potential, with walks serving as catalysts for future walking practices,” and it led to the Walk Study Training Course, which developed into Walk Exchange (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.2).

The Walk Study Training Course was a six-week walking course consisting of “reading about walking and walking about reading” (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.3). It was an attempt at an “experimental education technique” for approaching walking art, citing de Give (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.3). The course’s foundational texts included John Dewey’s Art as Experience (1934) and Paulo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1968), along with the theories of the Lettrists and Situationists; the course was intended to be “a nonhierarchical environment that prioritised the experience of walking in the city as a method of learning” (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.3). “As a mobile classroom, we expected participants to actively engage with course materials and participate in all the course’s walks,” Morris recalls. “This reflected our desire to build a temporary, but committed, walking ensemble who would participate in a journey together, over time” (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.3). The group that responded to their call for participants “consisted of eight predominantly white, middle-class walkers who had moved to NYC from other places,” mostly women (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.3). The course syllabus included works by prominent international artists: Richard Long, Francis Alÿs, and Janet Cardiff (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.3). “Each week we covered new ground, both in our understanding of walking and its relationship to art, as well as the city through which we were walking” (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.3).The second version of the course focused on walking as a way of understanding the city (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.3). “The WSTC project was explicitly designed to bring interested practitioners together to create a rigorous environment to consider artistic walking practices and develop a community of walkers with whom to explore these ideas,” Morris writes (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.3). Participants in WSTC, along with de Give and Morris, established Walk Exchange (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.3). 

Walk Exchange, the Walking Artists Network and Deveron Projects’ Walking Institute, while “inspired by different artistic practices, which inform their specific approach to the medium of walking,” all “make visible work happening in the medium and provide locations for the sharing of practice and sustained critical attention among practitioners” (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.3). Morris is interested in the way that “networks develop form the memory of specific artistic practices” and how communities develop around creative and critical practices of walking, which “draw on the memories of the medium and the techniques and ideas developed by guilds of previous practitioners, ranging from the Romantics to the Situationists, as well as more contemporary precedents such as the walks of Fulton or Alÿs” (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.3). The next three chapters will look at each network and the specific artistic projects they support in detail (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.3).

The book’s next chapter, “The Walking Artists Network: Digital Paths to Analogue Practice,” looks at the Walking Artists Network, “the largest international network focused on the discussion, development, and promotion of art related to walking” (Chapter 4). WAN “offers a location for those interested in critical and creative walking practices to discuss their work and share invitations to walk” (Chapter 4). “It is an open point of access for the pursuit of artistic walking practices from a variety of disciplinary perspectives” (Chapter 4): its 600 members, half in the UK, come from “diverse disciplinary pathways,” including fine arts and performing arts, psychology, biology, criminology, cultural studies, library sciences (Chapter 4). For Morris, it is “an arts-focused network that also reaches out to other disciplines” (Chapter 4) with a nonhierarchical, member-led approach to developing multiple strains of walking practice (Chapter 4).

The Walking Artists Network developed out of a 2008 meeting (Chapter 4). However, because it was unfunded and without institutional support, it depended on volunteers for support, so it took a while to get going; a 2011 grant “formally established the network through institutional support from a university and a major UK funding body” (Chapter 4). A website was developed and activities organized (Chapter 4). Members of the network decided WAN’s focus should be events with walking at their core, rather than events where people talk about walking (Chapter 4). Phil Smith, in Walking’s New Movement, describes WAN is a location that connects walkers together, but that it might need a more rigorous approach to walking practices; Morris suggests that, on the contrary, its loose nature “is a unique feature that supports a multitude of approaches to walking,” instead of “mandating a specific program” (Chapter 4). For Morris, “the network provides a location for members to explore and develop their own methodologies” and thereby “demonstrates how online discussion and activities create and inform offline walking practices” (Chapter 4). The purpose of this chapter to examine “how WAN supports individuals, groups, and organisations to discuss, develop, and promote critical and artistic walking practices” (Chapter 4). First, he looks at the psychogeographical approaches of two members, Morag Rose and Phil Smith (Chapter 4); then, he turns to WALKING WOMEN, the 2016 exhibition curated by Clare Qualmann and Amy Sharrocks, an offline manifestation of the network’s online discussions (Chapter 4). By looking at “practices by network members,” Morris argues “that is is through consideration of the medium that we can best understand how walking communicates as an artistic practice” (Chapter 4).

Morris starts his discussion of psychogeography in the UK with Sam Cooper’s contention that psychogeography has a privileged position in that country: “This privileged position has made it fundamental to the memory of the medium as it has developed in the United Kingdom, and psychogeography is a core area of discussion and practice for WAN members” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1). The Loiterers Resistance Movement, founded by Morag Rose in 2006, is “the most consistently active psychogeography group in the United Kingdom,” based in Manchester, meeting the first Sunday of every month for “‘a free communal wander, open to anyone curious about the potential of public space and unravelling stories hidden within our everyday landscape’” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.1). The LRM’s approach is playful and constructive: “Rose stresses the affirmative aspects of her practice”—she wants walking to be irreverent and active, to find “‘appealing methods to critique the hegemonic view of the city’” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.1)

The Loiterers Resistance Movement’s approach is based in a belief that the streets are free and belong to everyone (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.1). It has a fluid membership model, in which people define their own level of commitment: “This noncommercial ethos is embedded in the practice: [LRM] walks are always free to the public” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.1). In her PhD dissertation,“Women Walking Manchester: Desire Lines Through The Original Modern City” (2017), Rose identifies three strands of contemporary psychogeography—literary, activist, and creative—and her own work falls into the latter two modes (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.1). “For Rose, the creative walking practices happening ‘beyond the celebrity literary psycho-geographers’ are ‘far more diverse,’ and a focus on these practices can help to move beyond the trope of physically mobile white men on self-focused walks,” Morris argues (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.1).

Rose finds undercurrents of “‘misogyny and neocolonialism’” in psychogeographical practice and she aims to democraticize the dérive and “‘reclaim it from the occult and and for all classes and genders’” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.1). As a self-described “‘working-class, queer, disabled woman’” she applies an intersectional approach to Situationist and Lettrist concepts (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.1). The sidewalk, she argues, is one of the few places where casual and embodied encounters with difference are possible (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.1). Along with contemporary walking practices, she cites the rich history of Mancunian walking as an influence, particularly the Kinder Trespass, the marches of the Suffragettes, and the Manchester Area Psychographic (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.1). The LRM manifesto guides the group: “The streets belong to everyone and we want to reclaim them for play and revolutionary fun” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.1). The LRM provides opportunities to enter the sometimes arcane and difficult practice of psychogeography through practice (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.1). LRM walking tactics include algorithmic walks, transposing maps, throwing dice, concentrating on specific senses (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.1). 

Responding to the urban landscape is key to the LRM’s practice. Tthe June 2017 walk coincided with a terrorist attack at an Ariana Grande concert in Manchester. While Rose was advised on the WAN listserv to cancel the walk because of heightened security in the city, others said she should carry on with the walk. In the end, Rose thought that canceling the event would be more disrespectful than walking sensitively through the city, and the walk proceeded as planned: “She was particularly interested in asserting the rights of women to the streets, as the attendees at Grande’s concert were predominantly young women” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.1). The walk “resulted in ‘deeply poignant and troubling questions’ and she stated that ‘it felt good, and important, to be having conversations on and with the streets’” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.1). Rose suggests that the online community provided by WAN “provides opportunities to exchange locally-based critical and creative practices globally” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.1). This is evidence that discussions on WAN enable an international group of practitioners to engage with and contribute to walks happening in specific locations (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.1).

The other psychogeographer Morris discusses is Phil Smith. Smith is a prolific author and artist, theoretician and practitioner, and a founding member of Wrights & Sites, group of four artist-researchers formed in 1997, “who pioneered the use of walking in site-specific performances in the United Kingdom” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.2). His take on psychogeography, mythogeography, is one of his key innovations: a set of tools intended to emphasize hybridity rather than a finished model (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.2). “Like psychogeography, it is not created through walking; rather, it is discovered through walking,” Morris writes. “Smith links it to the radical activism that is embedded in the memory of the medium with ‘equal status given to the subjective and the fanciful as to the public and the political.’ He seeks to reconnect LI/SI practices with some of their ‘original political edge’ and stresses the importance of protecting their ‘history and revolutionary impulse’” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.2). Smith sees literary psychogeography as “‘an obscenity and a privilege,’” and in contrast “mythogeography looks to reclaim the radical gesture of its avant-garde predecessors and avoid the pitfalls of recuperation” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.2).

While Smith argues that walking’s connection to mythogeography is accidental, Morris sees walking as central to the practice, because of its Situationist influences, and its links to Wrights & Sites site-based walking performances” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.2). Mythogeography “eventually fostered a method that acknowledged the ‘inter-dependency’ of the performance of his body and the performance of the landscape” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.2). Morris’s experience with Smith’s mythogeographical practice occurred at a workshop in Cornwall conducted as part of WAN’s Footwork research group: 

The day started with the group crawling through the Big Beach House, where most of the delegates were staying. Smith asked us to explore the confines of the house from a baby’s perspective, testing the limits of how we moved before we could walk. This brought our attention to the learned skill of walking that we often take for granted. Smith then led us to the nearby beach and surrounding dunes and asked us to walk along the shore at our own pace to a meeting point near Gwithian. Prior to the workshop, he had given each participant a semi-individualised notebook which contained sets of mythogeographic instructions. Though each book contained similar directions, there were slight variations which created a group of overlapping, but not identical, experiences and directives, and allowed each individual agency in constructing their experience. (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.2)

“In Smith’s mythogeographic world, bodies do not move through a passive landscape; rather, they interact with a dynamic landscape that they shape and that shapes them,” Morris continues:

The beach was choked with fog, and in the distance, though we could not see it, was the titular landmark of Virginia Woolf’s To the Lighthouse (1927). Woolf is one of the few women included in the walking canon, a fact that had been given some attention by the group. It was fitting, given the group’s ongoing concerns about the visibility of walking women and their artistic work, that the landmark associated with her was obscured. The fog became an important actor in our walk, one mentioned in nearly every written response to the weekend, and which changed our experience of the landscape and how we interacted with Smith’s instructions” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.2)

Morris cites, again, de Certeau’s suggestion that walking is like a speech act: “our mythogeographical walk created a spatial and physical conversation that asked us to read what we wrote on the rural landscape” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.2). 

After the walk on the beach, the group travelled by bus to Robinson’s Shaft, part of a heritage site about mining in Cornwall, where Smith encouraged the group to engage in counter-tourism tactics: 

Smith developed counter-tourism based partially on his desire to create a more accessible way to engage with mythogeographic ideas. His publication Counter Tourism: The Handbook (2012) “emerged as a popular means for addressing the ideological labyrinth of heritage space[.]” It provides a series of “tactics and guiding principles” for use at heritage and tourism sites. Smith had given each group suggestions from the handbook and we were asked to try out some of them as we freely explored the area. (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.2)

The day finished in Camborne, a nearby town “where we once again set off in groups to explore based on Smith’s instructions. Smith’s day-long workshop took us on rapid passage through varied ambiences. It created space for a heterogenous collective to engage in solitary explorations together; the landscape, the presence of the group, and the walking prompt all came together to create a singular experience” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.2).

For Morris, the experiences of that day “are etched in my memory” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.2):

The workshop introduced the group to a variety of walking tactics that draw from the memory of the medium and made clear the potential of walking to encourage the active reimagining of already existing spaces. Through the medium of walking, mythogeography promotes new ways of seeing already existing spaces and détourning the social, physical, and cultural structures that support them. (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.2)

That day’s workshop ended with the composition of a collective manifesto, which “demonstrates the diversity of approaches to walking”: each walker seems to have included their own perspective on walking, according to Morris, and although on the event web site those contributions are anonymous, he knows which participant wrote which part of the manifesto (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.2).

Morris reads mythogeography through de Certeau’s essay (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.2): “Smith’s work does not reduce walks to ‘their graphic trail,’ which de Certeau points out cannot contain the diverse enunciatory options of walking,” he writes. “Instead, Smith focuses on how documentation can generate suggestions, instructions, and provocations for future walks. In this way, [m]ythogeography turns every participant into a teller of tales, privileging storytelling over information in its desire to engage the world” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.2).

The various forms of psychogeography promoted through WAN “focus on how these walking practices can contribute critically to our consideration of our physical and cultural landscapes” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.2). WAN “provides a location for those pursuing radical modes of walking to share practices that can contribute to new strategies to overcome capitalist subjectification” (Chapter 4, Section 4.1.2). 

Next, Morris turns his attention to WALKING WOMEN, created by Clare Qualmann and Amy Sharrocks in 2016: it was a series of walks, talks, and workshops that featured over forty women artists working with walking in a variety of women; two iterations of the event, one in London and the other in Edinburgh (Chapter 4, Section 4.2). Morris was the project’s assistant curator, and so he was able to participate in many of the walks involved; he was the only man involved in organizing the exhibition and one of the few men who attended and participated (Chapter 4, Section 4.2). “As Qualmann and Sharrocks note, the impetus for WALKING WOMEN was the ‘growing concern that walking is perceived as a male domain of practice”; the event “was curated in direct response to the conspicuous ‘invisibility of women in what appears as a canon of walking’ and their inclusion ‘as an “exception” to an unstated norm, represented by a single chapter in a book or even a footnote’” (Chapter 4, Section 4.2). So the event was intended “to actively re-write the canon, and ‘re-balance the perception of art, artists, and the use of walking as a creative practice’ in order to imagine a pathway for a ‘future in which gender bias and skewed vision is destroyed’” (Chapter 4, Section 4.2). Indeed, Qualmann and Sharrocks “viewed WALKING WOMEN as a necessary corrective to the unexamined dominance of walking men” (Chapter 4, Section 4.2).

Examples of projects featured in WALKING WOMEN included The Walking Library, an ongoing walking art project by Deidre Heddon and Misha Myers “that brings libraries into the landscape through site-specific walks,” drawing on the Romantic precedent of walkers carrying books and “the playful constructive behaviour” of the Lettrist and Situationist dérive (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.1). In this project, books are donated by community members responding to prompts and they are carried “in a rucksack emblazoned with a black and yellow Walking Library patch” (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.1). “Participants are invited to read passages from texts in the collection as resonant places in the landscape, with each walk’s prompt suggesting different kinds of locations,” Morris writes (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.1). The development of the project came out of conversations on WAN’s listserv, which helped to inspire it (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.1). It became “a full-fledged concept” during the 2012 Sideways Festival, which traversed Belgium; Heddon and Myers collected books in response to the question, “what books would be good to take on a walk?” (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.1). They ended up with 90 books either suggested or donated by the public, before the walk or along its route; after the festival, the collection was donated to the festival’s organizers in hopes that they would lend it to other organizations (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.1). “This established an important precedent for the project, with most collections donated to arts or public organisations for further circulation,” Morris writes. “In this way, The Walking Library combines the artistic medium of walking with the production of a library collection, which exists as a cohesive work of art that also circulates amongst the public” (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.1). There are now multiple collections in sites in the United States and Europe (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.1).

“As a work in the medium of walking, The Walking Library draws explicitly on the memory of Romantic and naturalist walkers who carried books on their journeys”; although those journeys were usually lengthy or “epic” and solitary, Heddon and Myers refocus the tradition “on the social and relational memory of Romantic walking practices through the action of walking with and sharing books” (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.1). (Heddon hates epic, solitary walking.) “For WALKING WOMEN, Qualmann and Sharrocks commissioned Heddon and Myers to create Walking Library for Women Walking”; a collection of books was put together in response to the question, “What book would you give to accompany a woman walking?” (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.1). “The resulting collection contains over one hundred texts covering a wide range of topics. From Romantic-era travelogues to contemporary artists’ books, the collection actively recasts the walking canon to include women as prominent members,” Morris suggests (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.1). 

The London walk followed the route of a 1905 suffragist procession (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.1). That walk “revealed the need for further public acknowledgment of women’s contributions to cultural life, particularly in periods where their work might be historically marginalised” (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.1). For Morris, “Heddon and Myers’s autobibliographic approach foregrounds the social experience of the production, compliation, and dissemination of the library collection; in doing so, it makes visible the network that comprises the project and offers and opportunity to engage with the stories that brought the collection together, as well as those that it contains” (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.1). The project reflects geographer Doreen Massey’s contention that space is “a simultaneity of stories-so-far” (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.1). “Through the library walks, the reading of the texts in the landscape, and the autobibliography that accompanies each collection, The Walking Library works to expand this plurality and make visible the various relations that contribute to the construction of our landscapes,” he concludes (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.1).

The second walk Morris participated in as part of WOMEN WALKING was Yasmeen Sabri’s Walk a Mile in her Veil, which invited members of the public to try on hijabs, niqabs, or burqas and go for a walk, with or without the artist accompanying them; Morris was the first man to participate (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.2). “Through Sabri’s work, I encountered a way of walking specific to Muslim women; however, I also encountered the challenges of creating work that asks participants to walk as or for someone, rather than with them. Her work suggests another strand of the memory of the medium—walking under the veil,” he suggests (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.2). The work was originally created for Sabri’s master’s thesis at London’s Royal College of Art (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.2). Sabri frames the work as “‘an introspection of Arab identity through the lens of the veil and its user,’ and she invites visitors ‘to try on the veil and understand first-hand the cultural, social, and feminist motives behind it.’” (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.2). For Morris, “it highlighted that some experiences cannot be quickly embodied; the garment does not contain its gesture, which is beyond my personal comprehension” (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.2). “Perhaps that is the point—rather than make me understand what it is like to be a woman in a burqa, the work introduced me to how very far that is from my everyday experience (an aspect given extra emphasis through the fact of my cross-dressing),” Morris writes (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.2). The work clearly made him uncomfortable, though; he found himself wondering if he was “a burqa tourist” (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.2).

The third walk Morris participated in during WALKING WOMEN was Jennie Savage’s 2014 audio walk A Guide to Getting Lost, which combines audio recordings made in a number of different places, including Plymouth, Delhi, Copenhagen, Quebec, and Marrakesh “with instructions for a guided walk to be done anywhere in the world” (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.3). “Savage doesn’t ask the walker to produce or create anything through the walk; rather, she focuses on the experience of walking to make connections between the near and the far, the global and the local,” Morris states (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.3). Savage started making audio guides in 2003 and edited the various guides together in 2014; A Guide to Getting Lost “prioritised walking instructions over descriptive narration” (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.3). The project borrowed from the Situationist tactic of using a map of one city to navigate through another, a tactic which, according to Debord, would rupture habitual influences on walking (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.3). Morris thought the walk didn’t quite work, but that “the inability to easily complete her directions added to the work’s feeling of disorientation” (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.3). “I got lost in the combination of her narration, directions, and the actual streets I was traversing,” he confesses (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.3). Nevertheless, he continues, “As I walked, Savage’s soundscape interacted with the environment around me and sometimes overlapped in uncanny ways”; at other times, though, he experienced “a disconnect” between that soundscape and the streets where he was walking—for instance, hearing recorded footsteps, he would turn to make sure nobody was following him: “This added a sense of paranoia to the walk, as I alternated between following Savage and feeling like I was being followed. (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.3). 

WALKING WOMEN made visible strands of research and practice that had been encouraged, discussed, and developed through WAN. It brought together a community of female artists focused on walking as method and medium,” Morris writes (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.3). It created a temporary yet visible community, and as it did so, “it actively contributed to making visible the work of walking women artists and serves as an example of how the digital aspects of the network manifest themselves physically” (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.3). “WAN provides a location from which to define walking as something that is distinct from, if entangled with, other artistic practices,” Morris writes:

The broad approach it supports illuminates the challenges of defining walking as an artistic medium. Members of the network do not necessarily identify as walking artists and work with a variety of artistic media. Indeed, one of the advantages of walking practice is its ability to move beyond, among, and between groups, disciplines, and media. The role of the network is not to push a specific agenda; rather, it offers a space to discuss and develop artistic practices in relation to walking. As such, it is a fertile ground for artists pioneering the medium of walking art while also welcoming walkers working in a variety of artistic and academic disciplines. (Chapter 4, Section 4.3)

Morris suggests that WAN has deeply influenced his trajectory as a walking artist and scholar (Chapter 4, Section 4.3), and suggests that the online community it offers connects people and organizations internationally (Chapter 4, Section 4.3). Indeed, I subscribe to its listserv, although I’m not sure whether that means I’m a member or not, and it’s interesting to see what kinds of walking projects people are working on—although most of those projects happen in places that are friendlier to walking than the city (and, indeed the province) I live in.

Chapter 5, “Deveron Projects: The Walking Institute,” looks at another network. In 2013, Deveron Projects established the Walking Institute, “a year-round centre of walking excellence,” which “has supported artists to create works in the medium of walking through residencies, workshops, and events” (Chapter 5). The Walking Institute “expands the remit of their town is the venue methodology to link Huntly both physically and conceptually to areas beyond the town” (Chapter 5). “The Institute frames walking as a creative pursuit with cultural potential, as well as an activity beneficial to individual and social health,” Morris continues. “This allows them to appeal to people who enjoy walking because it is a relatively low-priced way to achieve positive health outcomes and chat with other community members as well as those more explicitly interested in walking art” (Chapter 5). Its principle is simple: “all walking is great” (Chapter 5). The Walking Institute is more interested in engaging community in the practice of walking than walking as a mode of performance: “This builds on the models of social engagement and community collaboration that inform DP’s structure” (Chapter 5). “Through the resolutely local act of walking, the Walking Institute works to make visible the relationship between the rural space of Huntly and the larger global landscape,” Morris states. “In doing so, it creates new paths in, around, and out of Huntly and expands beyond the confines of the town to create new links, both physical and imaginary, to a broader local community” (Chapter 5).

The annual Slow Marathon is the Walking Institute’s “flagship project” (Chapter 5, Section 5.1). It is “a mass-participation walk of twenty-six miles that brings nearly a hundred people for a full weekend of walking events”; it is very popular and often sold out (Chapter 5, Section 5.1). “As DP’s largest event, Slow Marathon provides a way to look at the organisation’s overarching strategy as it relates to walking and provides an example of how artistic walking practices can create new relationships to global landscapes,” Morris suggests (Chapter 5, Section 5.1). The Slow Marathon began as a collaboration with Ethiopian artist Mihret Kebede, whose initial idea for her residency was to walk from her hometown, Addis Ababa, to Huntly; however, “the combination of visa restrictions, harsh desert terrain, and the dangerous landscape” meant that her journey remained conceptual (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.1). Indeed, the danger of walking through Egypt, Israel, and Syria would make such a project impossible. “In response, the team at Deveron Projects worked with Kebede to develop Slow Marathon: A 5,850 Miles Walk from Addis to Scotland and Back (2012), an accumulative marathon and shoelace exchange” (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.1). The project ended up combining the steps of participants together into a virtual walk (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.1):“Miles were accumulated in several ways: through walks with local individuals and community groups, donated remotely by international participants through an online portal, and through two culminating slow marathon walks in Huntly and Addis Ababa” (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.1). People from around the world participated, so the project functioned as an expansion of Huntly’s boundaries (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.1).

“The DP’s collaborative community approach meant it was important to create an ‘open access walking event’ that was available to participants ‘of all levels of fitness and from all locations’ and treated ‘those new to walking on the same footing as those with more expertise,’” Morris writes. “By allowing participants to contribute any number of miles at their own pace from anywhere in the world, the project was made accessible regardless of physical ability or geographical location” (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.1). I’m always surprised by the use of the word “expertise” in relation to walking, though. Is it really an activity that involves expertise? Perhaps. Developing walking prompts and exercises takes skill and experience and creativity, but I’m not sure that walking for 45 minutes necessarily requires “expertise.” Maybe I’m wrong about that. I’m also not sure that expertise is necessarily a bad thing, but that’s another argument, I suppose.

Kebede works in video, performance art, and photography, but she mostly works with shoelaces: “She is interested in the stories shoelaces tell, and how they can function as a point of discussion and exchange” (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.1). For instance, she attached participants’ passport photographs and email addresses to shoelaces and exchanged them between Huntly and Addis Ababa: “In this way, the physical experience of walking the marathon was connected through the miles walked (twenty-six) and the shoelaces” (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.1). Like the objects used in relational aesthetics, “the shoelaces functioned as vehicles of relation between participants and created a physical connection between the two sets of walkers” (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.1). 

The full-day marathons in Huntly and Addis Ababa enhanced this global exchange: “In essays written for the Slow Marathon artists’ book, two participants—one Scottish, one Ethiopian—reflect on their walking experiences and the different resonances of the shoelaces” (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.1). One challenge for participants in artistic walking practices is that “the walks are not necessarily designed to be pleasant or easily consumed; rather, they often challenge our dominant perceptions and engagements with the landscape through specific artistic interventions” (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.1). For Kebede, the goal of the project was connecting people through art: 

It was founded on intercultural exchange and the interrogation of borders and boundaries—physical, bureaucratic, and imagined—through the act of walking. For Slow Marathon, this occurred both physically, through the accumulation of miles from participants worldwide and the slow marathon walks themselves, and digitally, through the online portal used to track the miles and the shoelace-email exchange. The digital sphere linked globally dispersed physical acts and served to facilitate walking experiences for international participants. Kebede’s project highlights the territorial structures that prevent her from making her journey from Addis Ababa to Huntly by foot. At the same time, her work takes advantage of digital structures that allow her to link disparate locations through walking. In doing so, she links global spaces through a new geographical imaginary and highlights the distance, interrelatedness, and differing mobilities of residents within those global populations. It embraces international and intercultural exchange while also bringing attention to the structures that control the conditions of mobility and tensions around freedom of movement. (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.1)

“Kebede’s inability to traverse the space between Ethiopia and Scotland contrasts the walking exploits of artists such as Fulton and Long, who make art based on their treks through various international locations without highlighting the bureaucratic process that allows them to complete those walks,” Morris argues (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.1). “Kebede asks participants to engage with a journey she does not have the privilege to complete. In this way, Kebede creates a physical exchange that brings attention to the global logic of border-crossing for different communities” (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.1). 

In 2013, Slow Marathon adopted as an annual event; it marked the official launch of the Walking Institute (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.2). It “had to find its own artistic footing that built on, but was distinct from, Kebede’s originary project” (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.2). The 2013 iteration was a 26-mile walk. The plan was to link it to the work of resident artist Simone Kenyon, but that connection didn’t happen; instead, the event was organized around John Muir Day as part of the Year of Natural Scotland (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.2). The information pack for the event downplayed its artistic framework and instead warned participants of the strenuousness and difficulty of the walk; some participants felt the artistic side of the event needed further development (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.2). For that reason, the 2014 Slow Marathon “brought together a variety of artists to create interventions” along the route: performances, installations, “and other interventions designed to enhance participants’ walking experience along the way” (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.2).

Morris’s first experience of the event was its 2015 iteration, developed by Scots artist Stuart McAdam in relation to his earlier residency, Lines Lost (2013-2014) (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.3). That project “was an exploration of the area’s lost railway lines and an attempt to write them back into the landscape” (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.3). During that project, McAdam worried about the length of walks, feeling that longer walks would fail to engage the community (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.3)—an assumption that is no doubt correct. McAdam’s Slow Marathon “focused on specifically local tensions: the right to roam, land ownership, and the redevelopment of space,” but the artistic frame he used for the event “challenged the ease of navigation audiences had come to expect from previous years,” and participants complained about potholes, mud, and fences that had to be climbed over (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.3). Duration wasn’t the only problem with the 2014 Slow Marathon. The focus on the right of participants to access the land, although it is the law in Scotland, was also a problem. One landowner was enraged at the number of walkers photographing and old telephone booth on his property; while that helped expose “simmering community tensions,” his anger also upset participants, who felt the landowner should have been consulted before the route was chosen (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.3).

“McAdam did not provide participants with the social and political context of his aesthetic choice,” Morris contends. “In his position as artist, he exerted power over the participants to foster social tension that served his artistic gesture, possibly at the expense of creating a pleasant walking experience. In this moment, the convivial group atmosphere of the walk pushed against an antagonistic social landscape, highlighted by the mass participation of the marathoners” (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.3). Indeed, the version of the route guide currently available online removes the instruction to photograph the phone booth and the pictures McAdam originally included (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.3). The project revealed the potential for “tension between the aesthetic goals of the artists and the needs of the community,” which  reflects “the potential challenge of asking artists to engage a community in which they are a guest. The actions of the artists have ongoing ramifications for DP’s interaction with the community after the artist is no longer in town” (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.3). This is an ethical issue, according to Claire Bishop (cited in Chapter 5, Section 5.1.3). “For DP, who claim the town is their venue,” the problem 

is exacerbated by their dependence on the acceptance and goodwill of the community, who are the primary audience for their projects. Indeed, as one of the few walking works discussed in this book to charge a fee for participants—£35—the relationship between the event and the audience’s pleasure is even more pronounced, as participants want to get value for money. Nevertheless, McAdam’s walk was not designed to create an accessible or pleasant walking experience; rather, it was based around an artistic interrogation of the landscape and how we inhabit it. (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.3)

The problem of balancing community involvement and, indeed, enjoyment with an artist’s vision is one of the reasons my walks tend to be solitary. Perhaps that’s a cop-out on my part, but I know how difficult it is to walk from the city to a nearby village, and I know few people who would be interested in engaging in walks of that difficulty. Yet those are the walks I feel compelled to make. The demand for group of “convivial” walks is very much dependent on the context of walking in the United Kingdom, where rambling is an accepted leisure practice and urban tours are commonplace. Where I live, the context of walking is very different.

In 2018, Morris was invited to participate in the seventh annual Slow Marathon as Deveron Projects’ “Thinker in Residence” (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.4). That walk 

was the culmination of Rachel Ashton and May Murad’s year-long collaboration Walking Without Walls (2017-2018). The project coincided with the centenary celebrations of the end of World War I, as well as the British partition of Palestine; it explored peace, friendship, and boundaries through a digital dialogue,” which included conversations between Huntly and Gaza and simultaneous walks; the two artists involved never met in person. (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.4)

For 2018’s Slow Marathon, two sets of participants were organized to walk simultaneously in Huntly and Gaza; before the walk, community members and participants gathered in Huntly to hear about walking, art, politics, and Palestine, which helped to contextualize the event (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.4). Morris was one of the speakers (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.4):

My presence in Huntly, the privilege of my American passport and tier-four UK visa, contrasted sharply with Murad’s inability to visit. Her distance residency was the result of her birth in an unacknowledged country where freedom of movement is entirely restricted. Even within the boundaries of Gaza, her movement wasn’t free, and up to a few days before the event the team in Palestine were worried they wouldn’t have the necessary permissions for the walk. Though Kebede had designed Slow Marathon to connect people without red tape and bureaucracy, the reality of the geopolitical situation in Gaza made it a requirement. (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.4)

How different from Scotland, where the Right of Responsible Access is embedded in law—although the route planners “still have to negotiate access through and around private property and navigate the social considerations of marching a large amount of people along a path, but there [are] a wide variety of potential routes”—from Gaza, where “the options are limited, with the strip itself being the exact length of a marathon and tensions in the territory making it untenable to walk the entirety of its length” (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.4).

In Gaza, the walking route was along the coast, avoiding the contested border region; it was not possible to walk the entire route, and journeys by bus carried participants through sections where, for one reason or another, walking was not possible (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.4). Drones documented both walks, and Morris wondered about how that sound might resonate differently in Gaza (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.4). “As McAdam’s marathon demonstrated, walking through the Scottish landscape is not free of conflict, and in Huntly we experienced our own borders, boundaries, and barriers to our right to roam,” he notes:

The local farmers didn’t want seventy marathoners walking through their land during lambing season and, as a result, we had to walk on uninviting roads for large stretches of the marathon. Though ostensibly we had the right to walk through the farmers’ land, dictates of neighbourliness required the planners to choose a different route. In other locations, our rights were challenged by signs that read “no entry” or “private road,” psychological barriers to the public access enshrined in law. . . . Regardless, our barriers were limited and our inconveniences minor in comparison to the challenges facing the walkers in Gaza. (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.4)

Nevertheless, Morris’s mediated experience of Gaza during the event was “one of jubilation,” in contrast to news coverage that presents it as a place of conflict (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.4). The walk there was convivial, as it was in Huntly: “In this way, Slow Marathon 2018 created new links” between the two places “and highlighted the distance, interrelatedness, and differing mobilities of their residents. In doing so, it made my experience of Gaza more personal, even if from a distance” (Chapter 5, Section 5.1.4).

“One of the spin-off events of Slow Marathon 2014 was ‘Baby Slow Marathon,’ which launched Clare Qualmann’s Huntly Perambulator (2014),” Morris continues (Chapter 5, Section 5.2). Qualmann brought her children to Huntly for a month-long residency, and created work focused on walks with prams, something she had been doing for several years (Chapter 5, Section 5.2). Her first perambulator walk was part of Chain (2012), a seven-hour series of multi-disciplinary performances, but Qualmann considered it participatory, and for Morris, “considering it within the paradigm of walking as an artistic medium,” the walk “highlights the embodied experience of walking together in a more focused way,” foregrounding the medium of walking rather than walking as a “performative action” (Chapter 5, Section 5.2). “For Chain, each artist provided a word, object, sound, or image to inspire the artist whose work would follow theirs. Qualmann received an index card from artist Charles Hayward containing the word ‘bell.’ She linked the word to her pram: her son’s favourite toy was a bell attached to his pram, which was a constant companion on their walks through the city,” he explains. “The resulting piece, Perambulator (2012), brought together a small group of walkers to create a one-day perambulator parade through south London” (Chapter 5, Section 5.2.1).

The effect on her mobility of the perambulator she used to take her son on walks felt political, to Qualmann: many women experience similar limitations (Chapter 5, Section 5.2.1). “The perambulator parade was a way to make visible the spatial adversity of a group of urban walkers she had previously overlooked,” Morris states (Chapter 5, Section 5.2.1). Participants chatted about their everyday issues and those without prams helped those with (Chapter 5, Section 5.2.1). The line of perambulators was not unlike a procession. “In his article ‘Theatrical-Political Possibilities in Contemporary Procession,’ Phil Smith argues for processions as ‘a disruption of the everyday, characterised by a key dramatic quality: there is always something at stake,’” Morris writes: 

Here what is at stake is walkers with wheels and their right to smooth passage through the city streets. . . .Through a mass processional, Qualmann created a sociable experience that highlighted an antagonistic relationship with the environment and created a space for the discussion of those disruptions. It is this shared experience of walking together that constitutes the art work. (Chapter 5, Section 5.2.1)

In 2014, Qualmann brought Perambulator to Huntly; she developed “a series of walks with Huntly’s community of parents (primarily mothers). The durational residency format and DP’s focus on modes of community collaboration distanced the project from the explicitly performative nature of its previous iteration” while also requiring “Qualmann to expand beyond the perambulator parade and establish other modes of engagement and exploration” (Chapter 5, Section 5.2.2).

The result was Baby Slow Marathon, in which Qualmann invited community members with prams to meet the slow marathoners on their route, thereby opening Slow Marathon to a segment of the community usually excluded from the event (Chapter 5, Section 5.2.2). “Key to the design of Qualmann’s walks is participants’ agency and their involvement in the planning process,” Morris writes. “This can often result in moments where her desires and those of the community with whom she is collaborating conflict.” For instance, “she desired to forgo permits and permission for the perambulator parade and create an intervention in the streets through the mass bodies of pram walkers ‘spilling out into the road, getting in the way, [and] causing a nuisance,’” but her participants were not comfortable with that idea, and instead “the parade followed a popular leisure route that did not disrupt the city streets” (Chapter 5, Section 5.2.2). “Similar to Kester’s dialogic aesthetics, Huntly Perambulator set up a convivial space for shared conversation based on the contours of walking,” Morris suggests (Chapter 5, Section 5.2.2). Qualmann’s Pram Walks (2014) is a foldout map that identifies five routes form the project that are “both pragmatic and pleasurable” and that were created in collaboration with town residents (Chapter 5, Section 5.2.2). “Unlike walks that strictly dictate the style of walking to the participants, such as Fulton’s slow walks, Huntly Perambulator fostered walking in a collaborative mode of community engagement,” he concludes. “As Qualmann notes, the intimate walks that constitute the project, though less visible, are an essential part of the artwork; I argue that this is what positions it within the medium of walking” (Chapter 5, Section 5.2.2)

“The Walking Institute foregrounds community involvement, and as such, encourages work in the medium of walking rather than works of art that reflect the process of an artist’s walks” (Chapter 5, Section 5.3). Integrating the community into the project is imperative; shifting from solitary or performance-oriented walks “encourages artists to engage the community in the creation of new paths through the landscape. The Institute’s aspiration is to spiral out geographically from Huntly; it physically connects the organization’s work to places beyond the immediately local and makes visible the 50/50 approach on which DP is based” (Chapter 5, Section 5.3). “Rather than a single action on or across the landscape, the works addressed in this chapter [demonstrate] the walk as a web,” Morris contends. “Each project creates impact through an assemblage of approaches designed to link the community, the individual, and the landscape through the central act of walking” (Chapter 5, Section 5.3). “In the creation of the Walking Institute, DP creates a space that is focused on developing and supporting walking as an artistic medium,” he concludes. “In this way, the Institute’s central gesture mirrors that which I am defining for the medium of walking: the actual experience of going for a walk” (Chapter 5, Section 5.3).

Chapter 6, “Walk, Study, and Exchange,” examines two interrelated projects: the Walk Study Training Course, and The Walk Exchange. Morris and de Give co-founded The Walk Exchange in 2011, with Bess Matassa, Vige Millington, and Moira Williams, following their participation in the Walk Study Training Course, which de Give and Morris developed “in order to create a community around artistic walking practices and a critical environment in which to consider them” (Chapter 6). The members’ different disciplinary backgrounds—cultural geography, library sciences, visual art—“expanded our considerations of how walking could serve as a creative and critical practice” (Chapter 6). “Through a series of different activities, we developed a networked walking practice that invited people to walk with us,” Morris writes, noting that no long-term commitment required for participants, unlike the Walk Study Training Course (Chapter 6). “One such activity was the Informal Walk Series through which we provided a space to experiment and text ideas around walking in NYC,” but the group also organized silent walks and sight and sound walks (Chapter 6). In this way, they helped connect networks of walking artists and partnered with organizations “to create walks beyond the specific practitioner base to which WSTC appeals” (Chapter 6).

When Morris moved to London to pursue his PhD, the need to create walks at a distance became more important (Chapter 6). He developed an interest in how local walking practices can create points of global exchange; focus of WSTC 5 (Chapter 6). “The course piloted a distance learning programme that consisted of an exchange of walking exercises between a group in London and independent walkers in New York City,” he writes. “This method puts the action and practice of walking at the centre of a transnational exchange and serves as a model and tool for the critical consideration of creative walking practices” (Chapter 6). The use of “digital facilitators in relation to walking practices, the disintegration of the binary between solitary and group walking practices, and the ability of the experience of walking to be the primary location of the exchange or transmission of artistic experience” became the project’s focus (Chapter 6). “This chapter looks specifically at how we expanded our practice internationally and developed a methodology for the distance exchange of walks” and “introduces a critical methodology for the consideration of creative walking practices through international exchange, which focuses on going for a walk as a primary way of producing and articulating knowledge” (Chapter 6).

Next, Morris introduces Deriva Mussol, based in Barcelona and led by artists Jordi Lafon and Eva Marichalar-Freixa. The group is known for night walks, for seeing walking practices as ways to create and learn, for creating shared spaces that are “open, permeable, and in motion” (Chapter 6, Section 6.1). The collaboration between Deriva Mussol and Walk Experience involved “simultaneous drifts in NYC and Barcelona, a video call between the groups, and a postal exchange of detritus collected during the walk” (Chapter 6, Section 6.1). However, bad weather in New York, and technical difficulties with the video call, got in the way of the collaboration. Nevertheless, the event was inspiring to the participants; it produced “a shared moment across international boundaries” and also a confirmation of “the challenges of simultaneity,” since neither the video call nor the exchange of material allowed each group to fully engage with the other’s walking (Chapter 6, Section 6.1). 

WSTC 4 included a distant participant for the first time: Simone Kenyon, then artist-in-residence at Deveron Projects (Chapter 6, Section 6.1). The contrast between walking in rural Scotland and New York “was initially productive” but “it ultimately led to insurmountable challenges and the discontinuation of the exchange” (Chapter 6, Section 6.1). “The tension between the analogue, immediate experience of walking, and the digital technologies we now use to communicate those experience was highlighted by the course’s engagement with Kenyon”: the walk itself was lost in the process (Chapter 6, Section 6.1).

These attempts encouraged Walk Experience to develop a method for “the embodied exchange of walks at a distance” (Chapter 6, Section 6.1). For that reason, WSTC 5 brought together eight walkers in London, including Morris, and four in New York; the group in London walked together, the group in New York walked independently (Chapter 6, Section 6.2). “Though the course is ostensibly open to anyone, it is designed for a specialist audience of practitioners interested in walking as a critical and creative practice,” Morris recalls. “The nature of the materials addressed—dense theoretical texts and artistic case studies—and recruitment through the mailing lists of artistic and academic communities, limited the pool of participants” (Chapter 6, Section 6.2). The participants in New York “generally expressed an attraction to the idea of their independent walks being part of a group process,” to moving beyond solitary walking practices (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.1). The London participants, on the other hand, were interested in “a different concept of sociality predicated on weekly meetings with people who shared an interest in walking as a creative and critical pursuit” (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.1). 

Most of the London participants had previously addended a walk with The Walking Reading Group, which also brings together walking and theoretical and critical reading about walking (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.1): “Like WSTC, TWRG participants are given a set of texts to read prior to the walk. Texts vary depending on the specific walk” (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.1). TWRG’s walks are designed according to a strict methodology: 

participants are organised in pairs, and a long line of partnered walkers are escorted through the city by the artists (one of whom is always at the front of the line and one of whom is always at the back). At the beginning of each walk, participants write ideas, phrases, or key words from the text that they would like to discuss. The organisers refer to these as personal advertisements, which are used to pair partners during the walks. Pairs alternate around every twenty minutes (usually about five times per walk), through the exact timing of this changes in relation to the route. This creates an intimate relationship between walking pairs, while also allowing each individual to experience multiple viewpoints. (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.1)

The goals and methods of WSTC and TWRG are quite different: “Whereas WSTC looks to build a committed group of walkers for a durational series of co-produced walks, TWRG builds community through an ongoing and informal drop-in model. While TWRG’s model offers access to a wider set of people, it also requires a more strictly delineated style of walking in order to accommodate large groups walking together for the first time” (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.1). Nevertheless, the overlap between participation in WSTC 5 and TWRG “testifies to the networked nature of walking practices” (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.1).

During WSTC 5, walking exercises were exchanged between the London and New York participants (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.2). However, reading about these walks is secondary to the walks themselves: “the best way to understand WSTC 5 is to engage in the walks the project has generated” (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.2). Walking exercises were exchanged by e-mail; the New York participants were connected by a Google site, which housed photographs, texts, first-person narratives, and the walking exercises generated for the course (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.2). Some of the London participants used that site as well (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.2). The documentation of the walks was intended to enable the walks to be re-performed as a repertoire, as well as being an archive of what happened in the past (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.2). According to Morris, that documentation is not “a stable authority that represents the experience of a walk,” but is instead “an invitation to go for a walk” (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.2).

The “digital landscape” of WSTC 5 “facilitated the exchange of walking exercises and allowed the course participants’ walking practices to intersect” through active exchange of walking exercises developed by the participants and documentation of those exercises (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.2). “It demonstrates how documents can serve as invitations to walk, rather than stand-ins that ask someone to simply imagine a walk that has already been completed,” he contends. “This is a key aspect of the artistic medium of walking, which utilises a variety of media in service of the central logic of going for a walk. In this case, digital media houses walking exercises, potentially providing access for future uses” (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.2). However, those exercises do not seem to be available online for others to look at, because the Walk Exchange’s server unfortunately no longer seems to exist. Nevertheless, Morris emphasizes their importance: “Though it is likely that many of the people who encounter the online archives by happenstance do not engage in the walks, I argue that it is through walking that the archive is activated and that the work is fully encountered” (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.2).

“A walk happens in a specific landscape, and the relationship between the walking body and the space through which it walks changes the nature of the work,” Morris continues (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.2). The contrast between New York and the community of Stratford in London’s East End, an area redeveloped for the 2012 London Olympics, gave the participants different “landscapes in which to explore the same textual materials. The dynamics of each city were fundamental to our experiences and how we translated them into walking exercises. Through WSTC 5, one can see how the particularities of place combine with the dynamics of the individual walker, alone or as part of a larger group, to create singular experiences in specific localities” (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.2). The London participants engaged in a collectively guided exploration of Stratford, moving between places the participants knew or remembered to other places identified on a map (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.2). The New York participants, on the other hand, walked in different spaces, individually, both in the city and in rural areas upstate (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.2). The exercises developed by the participants in the two groups reflected these different landscapes (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.2). Participants were interested “in sharing and exchanging walking practices with a like-minded group, both in person and at a distance. The contrasting configurations of a group walk in London and solo walks in New York City introduced the walkers to different kinds of social landscapes,” Morris suggests. “The interaction between these configurations created a robust social landscape between the two sets of walkers in which the different spaces overlapped and communicated” (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.2). The New York participants compared their solitary walks to social ones: “The potential for members of a community to come together and share a walk is part of walking’s power as a convivial social activity” (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.2).

“Building communities through the practice of critically and creatively walking together is ultimately the crux of the Walk Exchange,” Morris writes. “Indeed, in many ways it is the crux of the medium of walking art, which emerges from a history of radical, collective practices and the desire to transform society through the action of walking together” (Chapter 6, Section 6.2.2). For its part, while not explicitly an art practice, “WSTC supports the artistic medium of walking by providing a location for practitioners to engage in the exchange of critical and creative walks. Through the WSTC model, WE have developed a method of exchange among an ever-growing community of course participants, past, present, and future” (Chapter 6, Section 6.3). For Morris, “one of the major contributions of the WSTC model is the continued development of a network of walkers and additional methods for the international exchange of walking practices. As the course continues to develop, we hope to expand existing conversations regarding walking practices, and add more opportunities for the local and international exchange of walks” (Chapter 6, Section 6.3). 

The methodology of “distance exchange” developed through these projects is not, Morris states, “predicated on co-presence”: 

Rather, the experience of walking together is created through an iterative loop of walks that grow on and respond to each other. This alleviates a number of challenges of simultaneity, including the technical capacities of different walking participants, different time zones, and differing weather conditions. Furthermore, it reduces the necessity of engaging with a digital interface while walking, something made more prevalent by smartphone technology. While smartphones make possible almost instantaneous digital exchange, and there are a number of possibilities to be explored in regard to the use of digital realms to facilitate real-time walking exchanges, the WSTC methodology does not depend on it. (Chapter 6, Section 6.3)

“Walking and the walking arts hold the potential to bridge the local, analogue world, and the global, digitally connected world, through the exchange of shared walking practices rooted in local experiences,” Morris continues:

The WSTC methodology provides a space to critically engage the artistic medium of walking through the practice of walking itself and demonstrates how walking practices can illuminate the particularities of local space and facilitate international exchange. Additionally, it offers a model for the critical exchange of walking practices among practitioners in different locations. The walking exercises produced by participants in London and NYC attest to the myriad ways walking can facilitate the exchange of ideas and the creation of new ways of thinking through the body. As online and digital educational strategies continue to gain prevalence, there is potential for this research to provide a model for exchange that could benefit distance learning programs and address locations of inquiry beyond walking. (Chapter 6, Section 6.3)

Morris concludes that the “WSTC methodology demonstrates the potential of walking to produce, articulate and exchange new knowledge, rather than simply illustrate existing knowledge” (Chapter 6, Section 6.3).

The final chapter is entitled “Conclusion: The Medium is the Memory (Palace).” “At the centre of work in the artistic medium of walking is the actual experience of a walk,” Morris begins:

Despite the broad memory of the medium and its emergence from different traditions, its common feature is the engagement of the body in a process of walking through a landscape based on a specific artistic design. The proliferation of artists working with walking, and the development of networks to support them, evidences the necessity for a specific critical language focused on the way artists frame going for a walk as an aesthetic experience. use of the term medium in relation to artistic walking has been ambiguous, referring both to walking as a process or technique for making art, and ‘art walks,’ where the action of going for a walk is the art. Though there has been an increase in scholarship on walking across disciplines, including cultural geography, mobilities studies, and the performing arts, there has not been a sustained examination of walking as an artistic medium. This has led scholars, curators, programmers, and artists who discuss the artistic medium of walking to depend on critical tools developed for other disciplines. (Chapter 7)

“This book offers a definition for the artistic medium of walking in which an artwork’s logic of representation is the act of going for a walk,” he continues (Chapter 7). “Works in the artistic medium of walking are distinct from those that use walking as a process or technique for the creation of work in other media, in that they require the audience to go on a walk in order to experience the work of art” (Chapter 7): in works of art in the medium of walking, artists design walking experiences that create exchanges between walking bodies, landscapes and other bodies encountered in that landscape, both accidentally and deliberately (Chapter 7). “Whether we walk alone with an artist’s work to guide us in a one-to-one walk or with a small or large group, we are participating in a specific artistic experience that positions our walking body in relation to the landscape and the people with whom we inhabit it,” he states (Chapter 7).

Artists working in the medium of walking come from differing disciplinary backgrounds and use different techniques to design their walks (Chapter 7). Walking, Morris argues, “is not a stand-alone medium; it requires interaction with other media, such as textual instructions of the walking interludes in this book, to communicate the specific design that structures the walk” (Chapter 7). In a way, Morris’s distance-walking methodology has arrived at Fluxus-style scripts as a way of communicating walk designs. However, some of those instructions are communicated verbally, while others are expressed through written guides, audio instructions, or “locative media” (Chapter 7). 

Morris argues that “the medium of walking is being invented through a network of practitioners” who walk, think, and create together, “both through digital interfaces and physically shared experiences” (Chapter 7, Section 7.1). “This contemporary guild of practitioners is supported by the memories of the medium, which reach across disciplines to create new modes of practice engaged with the (mostly) universal act of walking,” he states (Chapter 7, Section 7.1). Walk Exchange and WAN were both “formed by artists looking to create specific communities around the walking arts,” while Hamish Fulton’s work inspired Deveron Projects’ Walking Institute: “These networks develop out of a need to make visible the artistic medium of walking and create pathways for its development” (Chapter 7, Section 7.1). 

Morris argues that walking needs to happen outside of gallery or studio spaces; it must be “in contact with the everyday world beyond cloistered artistic spaces,” and online spaces can “make the work accessible to a global audience” (Chapter 7, Section 7.1). He argues that “simply taking your relational art on the road—or posting it online—does not necessarily negate its status as an enclosed space, and walking works are not immune to replicating these closed spaces (especially in works that charge a fee or require specialist preparation such as the reading of theoretical texts). Indeed, studies have shown that access to walking generally remains limited to certain demographics” (Chapter 7, Section 7.1). Indeed, he contends that “the public that forms the core audience for artistic walks remains insular,” even though walking artists “often show a concerted attempt to engage the broader social landscape” (Chapter 7, Section 7.1). 

Morris acknowledges that his focus has been on specific works of walking art, rather than the question of how walking can be art: he suggests that the example of the Dadaists and the excursion to Saint-Julien-le-Pauvre “established the walk as a way to create art that is an experience, rather than an object or idea” (Chapter 7, Section 7.1). The Surrealists “offered walking as a new way to tap into the collective unconscious of the city,” while the Lettrists and Situationists combined these two notions, creating a “walking practice that refused the production of artworks entirely, in favour of the directly lived moment and the active reimagining of the city itself” (Chapter 7, Section 7.1). “Running through all of these practices are the foundational walks of the British Romantics, who established the movement toward walking as a cultural practice,” he notes (Chapter 7, Section 7.1). “These avant-garde traditions establish a memory of radical practice that critiques the dominant capitalist paradigm, interrogates our use of the landscape, and offers new social models”: 

From the network of Romantic walkers who rethought our relationship to the walking body and the landscape, to the activist anti-capitalist politics of the Surrealists and the Situationist International, this praxis is embedded in walking’s memory, which involves a shift in strategic orientation from the gallery or theatre to the street. The passports to walking offered through the mythologised walks of these practitioners form the base for the memory of the medium, and support contemporary artists working in the field. (Chapter 7, Section 7.1)

Nevertheless, walking is not necessarily radical, despite its artistic history: “Works in the artistic medium of walking do not guarantee access to society—or equal exchange within it” (Chapter 7, Section 7.1). After all, refugees walk, prisoners pace, soldiers march, slaves move in coffles, and fugitives cautiously proceed on foot, listening for the sound of their pursuers: “The artistic medium of walking an bring new perspectives to these various forms of walking; if the medium is to live up to its radical potential, however, it must make access and intersectionality a priority, and expand the demographics of both artists and participants” (Chapter 7, Section 7.1).

“In arguing for walking as an artistic medium, I also argue for a focus on how the specific attributes of walking create an aesthetic experience,” Morris continues. “The slow, convivial, and creative attributes of the act of walking define the contours of the medium and provide a unique way for an artist to create work. Regardless of the context in which the artist is working, or what media supports their work, artistic walks are based on the specific vehaviour and generative power of the walking body” (Chapter 7, Section 7.2). Walking with other people is always convivial, he contends: 

Work in the artistic medium of walking brings people together to walk and requires that they keep walking to create the work. This fosters an environment in which artists must maintain the goodwill of their audiences to ensure continued participation in the walk they have designed. Even when participants walk alone, they walk in a space designed by an artist that encourages them to keep walking. (Chapter 7, Section 7.2)

In addition, “walking requires presence in the landscape; it is a slow and immediate way of engaging the body in space. While walking’s ‘slower speed’ may come ‘at the cost of breadth,’ artists often make up for this through the creation of works that unfold over time or through repetition” (Chapter 7, Section 7.2). 

Walking art, while it creates convivial relationships between participants, often engages critically with the environment of the walk (Chapter 7, Section 7.2): “It is important that the antagonism is directed toward the social structures of the landscape, rather than the group experience, inasmuch as this stresses the importance of working collectively and cooperatively to critique and transform the systems that construct our experience” (Chapter 7, Section 7.2). So, when they design a work of walking art, “artists call on the specific attributes of walking and the relationship it creates between the physical and social landscapes” (Chapter 7, Section 7.2). “The contours of walking as a practice,” along with “the memory of a collective guild of walking practitioners,” come together “to form a specific artistic medium” that generates “a unique aesthetic experience with the potential to transform our relationships to each other and the spaces we traverse” (Chapter 7, Section 7.2).

Morris suggests that each walk generates “the potential for new walks” (Chapter 7, Section 7.3). “In the medium of walking, the critical stance of the artist is combined with the generative potential of the walk; this potential doesn’t disappear into ruins, rather it continually produces new ideas, experiences, relationships and, potentially, future walks,” he suggests (Chapter 7, Section 7.3). For Morris, walking is “a primary mode of research and mode of dissemination”; his goal is “to create a walking praxis” (Chapter 7, Section 7.3). The exercises he includes are tangible examples of walking as an artistic medium; the methodology used in WSSTC 5 “provides a way to exchange creative walking practices across local boundaries” by using digital techniques to encourage the development of future walks, not merely to document past walks (Chapter 7, Section 7.3). Those examples “ask the reader to engage in the arguments of this research through the generative act of walking. To read this book without participating in the exercises it presents misses a vital aspect of the argument: the importance of walking is in going for a walk” (Chapter 7, Section 7.3)

“I have attempted to outline a web of practice that reflects the varied work of contemporary practitioners in the United Kingdom and the relationship of those practices to the guild of walkers that preceded them,” Morris states, but he wants to expand that web beyond “the oft-discussed traditions of solitary men walking through wild landscapes, or male-dominate explorations of urban spaces” (Chapter 7, Section 7.4): “As the medium gains recognition, it will be imperative for scholars and practitioners to continue to weave a wide web of walking that includes marginalised and overlooked practices” (Chapter 7, Section 7.4). However, there are limitations to the practices he has managed to include: “most of the case studies in this book focus on able-bodied white artists,” which “represents a limited aspect of the wider global web of walking’s memory” (Chapter 7, Section 7.4). Networks of walkers exist outside Europe: Global Performance Art Walks in Venezuela, for instance (Chapter 7, Section 7.4). “A future history of walking must take an intersectional approach, and further work is necessary to broaden awareness of the medium beyond a small and relatively homogenous sector of artists and identify a wider demographic of artists working in this way,” Morris argues. “The low-cost nature of walking and its practical accessibility to most of the population means that it could be an artistic practice created and disseminated by artists regardless of their geographic location or financial ability” (Chapter 7, Section 7.4). 

Digital technologies can link local practices of walking to global communities, although those technologies raise other access issues, particularly in rural areas and the developing world, where internet access may not always exist (Chapter 7, Section 7.4). “Additionally, further research needs to be done around how the digital realm can encourage the embodied, localised, everyday practice of walking” (Chapter 7, Section 7.4): combining digital and physical experiences might counteract the potential that digital technology might discourage surprises, happenstance moments, serendipity (Chapter 7, Section 7.4). Morris returns to the notion of the memory palace as a form of documentation, suggesting “there is potential to use this method to explore how the memories of walking form a core part of the aesthetic experience” (Chapter 7, Section 7.4). 

In the last section of the chapter, Morris arrives at his final thoughts. He writes,

the central gesture of the artistic medium of walking is the walk itself, and the desire to create direct connections between the walking body, the social and physical landscapes it traverses, and the other actors that inhabit those landscapes. The movement to walking is part of a larger movement of slow, participatory practices that reject the speed of the digitally connected global art market in favour of practices of engagement. Walking asks artists and audiences to move more slowly and works in the artistic medium of walking often unfold over time; in contrast, the digital world is one of speed and immediate global transmission. (Chapter 7, Section 7.5)

The interest in walking is a reaction against digital technology, even though artists use digital technology to support and document their work, and to connect people walking in different parts of the world (Chapter 7, Section 7.5). 

Next, he turns to his desire to define the medium of walking art:

Though the unification of walking art into a specific medium might seem to separate walking from other artistic disciplines, the goal here is to create a specific category founded on its cross-disciplinary and inter-disciplinary nature. The multitude of disciplinary pathways that contribute to walking practices and their ability to create new communities suggest that the artistic medium of walking could foster cross-disciplinary action that might result in cooperation and social transformation. Walking is made up of many movements, and a focus on medium allows for a flexible approach that can respond to the continued growth and changes of the medium. This allows critics, scholars, and practitioners to focus on how specific works of art are activated through the audience’s walking body while still retaining their own critical languages. (Chapter 7, Section 7.5)

There is a tension in his argument, though between a multiplicity of “disciplinary pathways” and a desire to define, even prescribe, an appropriate form of walking art. His definition of the medium of walking art, for instance, excludes solo practices. The most important thing, though, is walking: “in defining walking as a medium, my goal is to bring focus to its essential logic: the act of going for a walk. Only through the identification of walking’s distinct contributions to art can we continue to develop the form and engage wider audiences” (Chapter 7, Section 7.5).

As walking as an artistic medium receives increased institutional support, it becomes important to analyze what constitutes walking art. That support also creates challenges “in regard to maintaining the radical memory of the form” because that funding “potentially recuperates the radical gesture of walking as simply another technique within the experience economy” (Chapter 7, Section 7.5). “Walking’s potential as an artistic medium is in the opportunities it provides to creatively imagine the world through slow, detailed engagement with the contours of the landscape and the people with whom we inhabit it,” he concludes. “Artists working in the medium of walking invite participants to move through the real world based on a specific design; they engage audiences in the practice of walking rather than just the consideration of an artist’s walking experience. In this way, works in the artistic medium of walking provide an experience for the walker and transforms them into a teller of tales, who receives the full counsel of the work through the walking body” (Chapter 7, Section 7.5).

Morris’s argument makes me reconsider the walking project I’ve been working on for the past two years, but at the same time, the demand that all walking be performed by groups ignores specific walking contexts, like the one in which my walks take place. Perhaps that’s not surprising; every argument has its blind spots. But it’s important for me to read discussions like Morris’s, because they force me to defend—if only to myself—what I’m doing. His bibliography is also a gold mine of information. This book is important, and I’ll return to Morris’s definition of walking as an artistic medium—and the conflict between practices that fit that definition and practices that do not—in my exegesis and, I hope, in the course on walking I will have an opportunity to teach down the road. 

Work Cited

Morris, Blake. Walking Networks: The Development of an Artistic Medium, Rowman and Littlefield, 2020.